Overacting

Sanchez. By breaking with the PSOE, Puigdemont has chosen the least bad option. The least bad, of course, for his party. He has been heavily criticized by the PSOE's mouthpieces, with the refrain of emotional blackmail, but the truth is that the Socialists, after years and countless attempts to rely on fear of the Francoist right, have exhausted all their credibility. The Spanish government cannot enforce the agreements, and is also in dire straits due to internal issues. It cannot demand cooperation from partners who may soon become electoral rivals. Because Sánchez retains the option of calling early elections, and he can press it at any moment, taking advantage of a favorable poll or an unexpected situation. When this happens, the strategists of the PSOE, Sumar, and ERC will have half their campaign done, shouting that the wolf is coming (a real and fearsome wolf, let's face it). But Junts needs something more, because the wolf is already in its midst: the rampant shadow of Aliança Catalana, which brings together two very powerful voting forces. The shift to the right, a global and cross-cutting phenomenon, and the disaffection of the irate pro-independence movement towards the parties that still champion the events of 2017.

Nogales. Therefore, Junts needs to face any potential elections with a free hand. This will allow Míriam Nogueras (who, incidentally, is starting to look rather...) presidential candidateThey will maintain their apocalyptic tone without needing to do anything different. Let's remember that Junts has already rejected the temporary rental law and the reduced working hours law, while continuing to negotiate with the PSOE. Junts' only commitment was not to bring down Sánchez, and that won't change. There will be no vote of no confidence, but neither will there be a budget. Sánchez will continue to manage power agonizingly, without a majority but without an alternative.

Junts' decision falls squarely within the tiresome mantra of symbolic confrontation. Puigdemont considered the dialogue strategy a crime against the nation, a way of throwing the fish in the horns, until the election results proved him right, at which point he promised to "get paid in advance." The latest pirouette devised in Waterloo—the break—is justified by the PSOE's breaches of agreements, but we all know it's a tactical maneuver. If we're truly in a pre-election phase, it's easier to fight against Madrid (and against ERC).

And Ruffian. What can be said is that Junts knows how to grab attention, and that its overacting seeks—understandably—to resonate in Catalonia. It may be tiresome, but I don't know if the absent and static strategy of ERC is better, given that they have handed over all their media clout to Gabriel Rufián, who has become a pop icon of progressive Spain, and who seems so keen on uniting the left. plural Spanish like to dynamite the bridges that could, one day, revive the unity of action of Catalan separatism.

All of Junqueras's activity, everything the Republicans have agreed upon with Salvador Illa, is overshadowed by the media attention Rufián attracts. The man from Santa Coloma would be a top-tier asset for ERC if it weren't for the fact that his personal brand now carries more weight than the party's initials. In the latest GESOP poll, he topped the list of politicians most valued by Spaniards; no pro-independence figure has ever achieved such recognition, which gives one pause for thought. ERC maintains that the Rufián factor allows them to reach different audiences and complements Junqueras. This was the case in September, when they both jointly presented the proposed law to transfer income tax revenue to the Catalan government. But then... The revolt We can see that Rufián is playing in a different league. I wonder if ERC has freely decided that this is what suits them best, or if they are simply being swept along by the facts.