Feijóo in Waterloo
Feijóo asks for help to bring down Sánchez and Junts turns it around: “Mr. Feijóo knows that, if he has to explain something to us, this meeting must be held in Waterloo”, and draws a line that further tightens Feijóo's face, who has been unable to contain Vox's progression and now has to adapt to it. The tug-of-war is delicate at a time when neo-fascist temptations go beyond the far-right, with a contagious effect on the entire conservative space.
Sánchez until the end of his term? It's possible. The trend is to think that the wear and tear will increase. And that the judicial pressure will continue. But Sánchez has a reputation for being resilient, and things can happen in a year. Right now, I would only dare to make a prediction: if the Spanish Parliament is dissolved, it would not surprise me if Sánchez were not the socialist candidate. If it's in a year, I wouldn't be so sure. Exactly the opposite of what could happen with Feijóo.
The political reality is what it is. Pedro Sánchez has one year left in his term, teetering on the brink, with his electoral bases in sensitive disarray and with the right on the rise:Vox's growth spreading authoritarian radicalization and the PP grudgingly accepting dependence on Abascal and company if they want to govern. In any case, the right no longer deceives: they take it for granted that they will form a majority with the neo-fascists. What they are looking for is to save face a little. But this sends messages that are nothing more than empty promises.
Feijóo's cynicism is laughable. He tells the PNB and Junts to vote for the no-confidence motion to accelerate change and that Vox will not vote for it, but he takes for granted that when it comes to forming a majority, he will count on them if he needs them, as in the autonomous communities. It's the Feijóo style, who never talks about ideas or projects; he just tears down the opponent and ends up making deals with whoever is necessary to get their vote. And then, what will he do? Seek out the PNB and Junts to win them over to his economic right-wing side, but knowing that, with Vox by his side, negotiations for the alternation of Jordi Pujol's model — now with the PSOE, now with the PP — remain distant.
How slow it is for words to turn into deeds when there are too many obstacles to navigate. Feijóo's wait feels long because his leadership hangs by a thread. A candidate by accident when it was time to lose, he has in truth earned few merits as head of the opposition. Always angry, the sadness his gaze emits makes it difficult to imagine him as a leader capable of engaging and inspiring. The renunciation of ideas and proposals to spend all his energy on seeking the adversary's wrongdoings distances him from any image of authority and recognition.
And all this at a time when suspicions are awakening about the PP's influence in certain spheres of the judiciary. The difference in the pace at which justice often acts, depending on whether those pointed out are from the right or the left, is curious. Suddenly, a series of actions have unfolded concerning the socialist sphere that requires a certain innocence to believe they are pure coincidence. Suddenly, stories about Zapatero emerge, until now the only president of the government to have left office unstained (which in itself is a mystery), after years of exhibiting a rather discreet and solitary profile. It sometimes happens that abject things emerge when least expected, but it is still suspicious that they emerge now, coinciding with a moment of accelerated actions against the socialist sphere, while at the same time there are PP cases stalled for years. The times of justice are ineffable. However, it is difficult to attribute to chance that some instructions are triggered while others remain in time out.