The Montoro case is the penultimate episode in the Rajoy government's curse, which will very likely go down in history as the worst collection of corrupt and corrupt officials in Spanish politics. We still have much to learn: next year, the PP faces 28 corruption trials—including the Gürtel, Púnica, and Kitchen cases—with more than 150 people under investigation, including Rajoy himself. Given this scenario, it's understandable why Feijóo insists on calling early elections, and it's also understandable why Pedro Sánchez is clinging to power despite his disastrous political, parliamentary, and judicial situation (with the outbreak of the Ábalos and Cerdán cases, and what we don't know), which would justify it.
The case of the former Minister of Economy and Finance is especially bloody, because it not only involves enrichment or irregular financing of a party (crimes to which, unfortunately, we have become accustomed), but also the contamination of the State's tax collection apparatus to benefit certain companies and sectors, the wording ad hoc, and the constant threat of using the Treasury against personal and political enemies. What has been explained so far not only embarrasses former ministers Montoro and Català, but also calls into question the entire Spanish tax system, beyond the PP's mandate. The reputational damage to the State is extremely serious.
It is true that those involved are no longer in the leadership of the PP, while the scams of the PSOE fully implicate Pedro Sánchez, but it is evident that the panorama has changed and that Feijóo has received a good torpedo in his strategy.
The only thing that consoles me about all this is seeing that (almost) every pig gets a Saint Martin. delayed, as Cospedal would say, and that although the Catalan process cut short many lives on the pro-independence side as a result of the repression, the repressors also experienced a hasty farewell due to systemic corruption, which led to the motion of censure against Rajoy in 2018. Then came the outgoing Galdosa Dolores de Cospedal, whom we could see sitting in the dock thanks to her imprudent conversations with Villarejo, which revealed the perverse use of the state's sewers. In the same situation is Jorge Fernández Díaz, the sinister inspirer of Operation Catalunya and creator of the patriotic policeIf we add Montoro and Catalá, we could literally speak of a shadow government.
From this group, some sinister figures are still active who will not go to trial but who will not go down in history as statesmen: the former minister Zoido, the one who sent us tweety, sits in a seat in the European Parliament; Alicia Sánchez-Camacho is a deputy in the Madrid Assembly; Jorge Moragas is the second-in-command at the Spanish embassy in Guinea; and Enric (sorry, Enrique) Millo was rescued for serving as Secretary of Foreign Affairs for the Andalusian government, which not so long ago encouraged Catalan companies to relocate to Andalusia.
The only one who has come out well from the political earthquake of the Catalan PP is Xavier García Albiol, whom I remember shouting "Scared them!" in the 2017 election campaign. He is now mayor of Badalona with a comfortable absolute majority. But to explain the political dynamics of Badalona, another article would be needed.
