Gideon Levy: "For Israelis, the only human beings in Gaza are the hostages and soldiers."

Special Envoy to Tel AvivGideon Levy is an Israeli journalist and writer recognized for his independent and critical voice toward Benjamin Netanyahu's government and the occupation of the Palestinian territories. He is a columnist for the newspaper Haaretz, has become one of the most controversial and respected figures in journalism in Israel and internationally. For ARA, he reviews what has changed since the Palestinian attacks of October 7, 2023, and the outlook with the ceasefire in place.

Looking back over the past two years, what changed on October 7, 2023?

— It was certainly an earthquake. It's not that things changed dramatically, but everything intensified. Violence, racism, nationalism, militarism, on both sides. And nothing will ever be the same again.

What has changed in Israeli society?

— Aside from the shock, the trauma, and the mourning, Israeli society drew two conclusions from October 7. One, that now, after these atrocities, Israel has the right to do whatever it wants. And second, that there is no room for any kind of interest in the Palestinians, in their tragedy, in their catastrophe. The Palestinians no longer interest Israelis. Almost no one. There are the protests, very committed, very impressive. They talk about everything, except the genocide in Gaza. No one protests against the genocide. Even the call to stop the war isn't about the genocide, it's only about the hostages, the soldiers, and its cost to Israel. But genocide isn't on the table. Israeli society completely denies it, and the Israeli media collaborates with it and plays a shameful role in hiding what's happening in Gaza. You often get the feeling, if you follow the Israeli media, that only about twenty human beings live in Gaza, the twenty hostages. That there are no more human beings in Gaza, only the soldiers; no one else lives or suffers there. In Israel, there has always been a denial of the occupation and apartheid, but now it is much stronger, more legitimate, and much deeper. Truly a society in total denial.

Is there war fatigue in Israel?

— Absolutely. There's a deep war fatigue. People can't take it anymore. Soldiers can't take it anymore. There's a very strong desire to end the war.

How do you view Netanyahu's position regarding his governing partners and his survival as a political figure?

— The fact that he's still prime minister shows how much of a magician he is. In no other country, let alone a democracy, would anyone survive two years after a fiasco like October 7. Impossible. And even in Israel, no one else could have survived. Any prime minister you can imagine, including Ben-Gurion, would have fallen three months later. And he's still there. Two years, in power. The polls aren't in his favor, but I don't rule out his reelection [next year]. His numbers are low, but it's not impossible. He's the most hated and most loved prime minister, and these two blocs are very solid and haven't changed much. Those who hate him, hate him no matter what he does. Those who love him, love him no matter what he does. Like all populist leaders. And it's very difficult to break these blogs. But it's clear that now the blog that wants him out is bigger. However, the elections are in a year; anything can happen between now and then.

How do you view Trump's plan for Gaza?

— It's a plan made by Trump. It's not serious, it's full of holes, it's totally pro-Israeli, with no concern for the fate of the Palestinians, and it doesn't specify anything, it's very ambiguous. Who will govern Gaza? Tony Blair? We're going back to European colonialism in Gaza, so they'll govern it? The only hope I have is that the first phase will be implemented—and I'm not even sure—but maybe it will. And I hope so. For me, stopping the war is worth any price. Stopping this genocide; these people are massacred every day by the dozens. Maybe Trump will stop it, at least for a while. Maybe it will lead to the release of the hostages and, obviously, hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. I don't see anything beyond that.

How do you view the situation in the West Bank and this government's plans to annex it?

— Look, I go to the West Bank every week. And from week to week, I don't recognize it. It's changed a lot in these two years. Not like Gaza, completely uninhabitable, but the changes are dramatic. The settlers feel the war in Gaza is their opportunity. And they run riot. There's hardly a day without a settler pogrom. And there's no longer a separation between settlers and the army. They do it together. The Palestinians in the West Bank are completely helpless. There's no one in the world to protect them. A Palestinian farmer or shepherd, even an eighty-year-old, when brutally attacked by settlers, has no one to turn to. And the settler who does this knows he has total immunity. He can shoot, he can hit, he can burn houses, uproot olive trees. Nothing. Nothing happens. Total anarchy ruled by the settlers. On every hill there's a new settlement every week. And each one seizes all the land around it by force. And on top of that, there are hundreds of checkpoints. People can't move from one city to another. And the problem is that those checkpoints are sometimes open, sometimes closed. You never know. You can't plan anything, because one moment you can pass through and the next you can't return. Furthermore, the soldiers' attitude has changed. It's not that they were kind before, but now they're much more brutal, because some have served Gaza and others would like to, which inspires more barbarism and brutality.

Israel will annex the West Bank, as announced by far-right Finance Minister Belazel Smotrich.

— I don't think there's a formal annexation, but it's totally irrelevant. Because the annexation started a long time ago, and the West Bank is already annexed. We must stop playing with words. The West Bank is under complete Israeli control, and Israel has no intention of changing that. All this talk about recognizing or not recognizing the Palestinian state is empty talk. It changes nothing on the ground. It doesn't promote the Palestinian state, it doesn't change reality.

Is this the end of the Oslo paradigm?

— It's been over for a long time. What's left of Oslo? Israel violated it long ago, just a few years after it was signed. Nothing agreed upon was fulfilled, and it died. Today it's only used for formalities, like Area A, Area B, Area C, and all those word games. According to the Oslo Accords, the army cannot enter Area A. But every night, for all these years, they enter the cities and do whatever they want. Oslo has been a corpse for a long time.