The PSOE in its most difficult moment


We'd have to go back to the end of Felipe's administration to find a time when the PSOE has experienced a situation as complicated as the current one. There are reasons to think that the current crisis, triggered by the outbreak of the Cerdán case (which was previously the Ábalos case and before that the Koldo case), is even more serious, because the historical moment is different. Evidently worn out. However, Pedro Sánchez had now come to power in the Moncloa through a motion of censure that was based precisely on the need to clean up after the ruling party, the PP, had been convicted of corruption in the Gürtel case. Devastated, especially those who knew and dealt with Cerdán, who was Sánchez's right-hand man in the party and on many other matters. men like the Catalan president, Salvador Illa, who is currently his main supporter in the territory.
Despite Sánchez's proverbial ability to overcome complicated situations, the PSOE also finds itself in a situation of weakness because it has no plan B. Sánchez exercises absolute leadership without internal counterweights (and hence the enormous internal power that Santos Cerdán had), a scenario that was already seen with the "over the future" by the "over the future." These days, the vertigo felt by many socialist leaders at the possibility that their leader might be forced to throw in the towel is noticeable.
Even so, it's clear that Sánchez has no intention of doing so, and this week he's already demonstrated that his plan is to go on the offensive. Whether he'll be able to do so is another matter. Because, ultimately, everything will depend on the information that becomes known about the corrupt network, since at this point we still don't know the exact perimeter of the taint. That's why it's also logical that Sánchez wants to buy time, given the nervousness of his partners, who are forced to distance themselves but, when it comes down to it, don't want to go to elections in this context because it would be tantamount to handing the government over to the right and the far right.
The coming weeks will therefore be key for the survival of the Spanish government and, it must also be said, for the future of the PSOE. If Sánchez is able to arrive at the federal committee on July 5 with his internal homework done and announce a credible plan of action, there will still be a game in Congress on July 9. Otherwise, we will face a slow agony that could plunge the PSOE into a crisis much deeper than the current one.