The persistent inequalities created by globalization and technological changes, and the constraints of a welfare state suffering from an aging population, increased migration, and outdated infrastructure have led us to a new world order governed by political leaders as populist, anti-democratic, arbitrary, and corrupt as those of a century ago, who provoke wars, label their opponents as traitors, and blame foreigners for the economic chaos they themselves sow. In this context of vertigo, where internal politics are extremely polarized and tension dominates the suffocating scene with the unstoppable rise of the far-right, there seems to be never enough time – or will – to take stock of self-government and the degree of political decentralization in the State, an issue that seems to have taken a back seat to corruption or the possibilities of political alternation in the State. Undoubtedly, the twenty years since the approval of the Statute are an invitation to do so, even if the fatigue of these last years continues, motivated by the defense of a Statute disavowed by the TC and by the pain caused by the coercive response of the deep state following the referendum of 1-O.And that is because, despite the recognition by Pedro Sánchez's government of the existence of a political conflict – out of necessity or conviction – and the attempts at dejudicialization through amnesty and effective dialogue, the truth is that currently 61% of politicians have not been amnestied and 97.5% of police officers have, according to data from Alerta Solidària, and that regarding the fundamental issue, apart from an unborn proposal for financing improvement, it has not been discussed for some time: the possibility of resolving the future at the ballot box, with the necessary cadence, taking into account the unforced errors of the past and the perspective of patient but intransigent countries like Quebec or Scotland.