The persistent inequalities created by globalization and technological changes, and the constraints of a welfare state suffering from an aging population, increased migration, and outdated infrastructure have led us to a new world order governed by political leaders as populist, anti-democratic, arbitrary, and corrupt as those of a century ago, who provoke wars, label their opponents as traitors, and blame foreigners for the economic chaos they themselves sow. In this context of vertigo, where internal politics are extremely polarized and tension dominates the suffocating scene with the unstoppable rise of the far-right, there seems to be never enough time – or will – to take stock of self-government and the degree of political decentralization in the State, an issue that seems to have taken a back seat to corruption or the possibilities of political alternation in the State. Undoubtedly, the twenty years since the approval of the Statute are an invitation to do so, even if the fatigue of these last years continues, motivated by the defense of a Statute disavowed by the TC and by the pain caused by the coercive response of the deep state following the referendum of 1-O.And that is because, despite the recognition by Pedro Sánchez's government of the existence of a political conflict – out of necessity or conviction – and the attempts at dejudicialization through amnesty and effective dialogue, the truth is that currently 61% of politicians have not been amnestied and 97.5% of police officers have, according to data from Alerta Solidària, and that regarding the fundamental issue, apart from an unborn proposal for financing improvement, it has not been discussed for some time: the possibility of resolving the future at the ballot box, with the necessary cadence, taking into account the unforced errors of the past and the perspective of patient but intransigent countries like Quebec or Scotland.

The 50th anniversary of the dictator's death has brought to the forefront the memory of the most direct anti-Franco struggles, with their heroes and victims. So, the younger generations—those with short memories—may have been left with the impression that the majority of Catalan—and Spanish—society was anti-Franco. And that's not true. What was truly widespread was what was called "sociological Francoism." This is what allowed the dictator to continue killing, with five executions two months before he died in bed. It is what meekly tolerated the restoration of a historically corrupt monarchy, one that has been bowing down and genuflecting for fifty years. And it was also popular support that made possible what some still praise as exemplary: a Transition without a break from the previous regime, which has allowed for the veneration of prominent Francoists—Adolfo Suárez there, Juan Antonio Samaranch here—without anyone ever having to face justice.