The first opinion piece of Teresa Garcia-Milà's term as head of the Círculo de Economía (Circle of Economy) focuses on immigration, a phenomenon that all political parties, regardless of their political leanings, use more as an electoral tool and a means of conflict than as a means of finding solutions. A calm and in-depth debate is necessary to address this issue, as it is a structural one. In recent years, both Catalonia and Spain have experienced a surge in newcomers, which, while not the sole factor, has contributed to rising housing prices, as supply has failed to meet the accelerated demand, also putting pressure on public services. In a short time, compared to other countries, our numbers have grown significantly. Therefore, this prestigious forum, whose members represent a broad range of ideologies, has chosen to dedicate its opinion piece—the document through which it establishes its position on major issues—to a subject that is often treated demagogically by politicians. There are no magic formulas or easy solutions to a complex issue with many facets, from economic and labor issues to social ones, which has fallen too heavily into the hands of populist rhetoric.

The Circle of Economy has decided to address a central issue that sparks debate and even poisons politics: immigration. In an opinion piece, a document through which this organization expresses its views on essential matters, the Circle calls on the PSOE and the PP to reach an agreement to regulate immigration, which, it argues, requires treatment as a matter of national policy. The document, titled The need for a migration policy: production model, integration and social welfareThe Circle criticizes the lack of a "genuine immigration policy" in Catalonia and Spain and the application of "a succession of reactive and fragmented responses," such as the regularization announced by the Spanish government, which it sees as necessary but also as "an acknowledgment of failure, which should not perpetuate past mistakes." One of the Circle's recommendations is to review the "arraigo" (rooting) policy, which is rarely used in other countries and, although conceived as an exception, has become the most common way to obtain residency and employment. Furthermore, it contributes to the precariousness of the labor market, fosters a low-wage economic model in which per capita income does not grow sufficiently, and generates a pull factor that increases irregular immigration. Without specifying how, the Circle advocates "modulating" the entry of immigrants and aligning it with the objective of shifting towards a more productive and less labor-intensive economic model based on low wages.

"Talking about the problems." This is the solution that the parties are trying, including those of the social democratic left, which has tasted the honey of government for decades and resists being swept away by the authoritarian wind that is freezing the entire northern hemisphere.

The attempt to defame Brigitte Macron by accusing her of belonging to the opposite sex from the one she professes contains an important political lesson. The case is so striking and bizarre that it has been used as an example of gratuitous malice and a lack of scruples when it comes to lying. This is a relevant interpretation, but I believe that if we want to learn anything from this episode, we need to look at a political program. underlying issues that go beyond the anecdote.

Rob Riemen's (Netherlands, 1962) latest book is full of great names in the history of thought. George Orwell, Simone Weil, and Thomas Mann appear, but not in grand, ponderous texts on philosophy, but rather through a series of stories that are more reminiscent of oral tradition, tales that parents, grandparents, and teachers might tell us from a young age. Through them, Riemen champions humanism, classical European culture, and the word to combat fascism. The word that conquers death (Arcadia) is, in his own words, an essay on what true greatness is.

Argentine President Javier Milei had to be evacuated during an election caravan in the town of Lomas de Zamora, a stronghold of the Peronist opposition, when protesters began throwing objects and stones at the presidential motorcade. Milei was not injured and, once at his official residence, responded in a message to X, blaming the attacks on the former president's followers. Cristina Fernández, disqualified and under house arrest"Civilization or barbarism. Kirchnerism never again," the president wrote, accompanying the text with a photograph of one of the stones thrown his way, which struck the body of his armored vehicle.

It would be a mistake to downplay the importance of the Torre Pacheco disturbances and look at them as something specific that happens in a town in Murcia. We must link this outbreak of racist violence in the streets with the results of the latest CIS barometer, which showed a clear upward trend for Vox, compared to a PSOE that is retreating and a PP that is not advancing, despite its laxative daily rant about corruption, real or invented (the distinction between true and false information is becoming increasingly tenuous), of the current government.

Andrea Rizzi (Rome, 1975) is a journalist and global affairs correspondent forThe Country and author of The age of revenge (Anagrama), an essay that manages, in just over 150 pages, to conduct an exhaustive analysis of geopolitical transformations, the structural problems of our societies, and the future scenarios they may entail.

Violence and seduction. This was the double face of the man who founded fascism, the Sweet. This was a century ago. Mussolini had started out as a socialist militant (he directed the party newspaper, Avanti) and then had renounced and established himself as the leader of a new nationalist populism. We already know how history went: both socialism and fascism became bloodthirsty totalitarianisms.

Change is scary. Uncertainty can be distressing. When the ground beneath us is shaky, our survival instinct drives us to seek firmness. And when we find it, we cling to it without question. The illusion of stability is comforting, especially when we are young and in the process of defining ourselves. What do you do if the gender stereotypes that were meant to guide you are in question and new identities are yet to be defined? Well, look for certainty in the most nostalgic versions of virility.

Javier Milei has just given the exact measure of his sense of honorability of the office, by spreading the supposed benefits of a cryptocurrency three minutes after being launched by "some friends." Several investors who believed the presidential message were left collapsed. Milei has washed his hands of blame: that he is a "techno-optimist" and that it is bad luck, that it is like when you go to the casino and lose, that the responsibility of playing is yours. That the state has nothing to do with it, that it is all a matter between private parties. That he is the president of the Republic will be a matter of no importance. Well, let all the propagandists who worship the chainsaw take note: to heed the word of the president of Argentina can literally mean ruin. With hope, as he said. Long live techno-optimism.

It has been one year since the assault on Washington's Capitol by a populist far right backed by the defeated President Donald Trump. That episode, which embarrassed the United States, is difficult to erase. It remains as an insidious and persistent stain for American democracy, which impudently showed its fragility. Its consequences are still being felt. In fact, American society continues to be marked by those unprecedented events that made it around the world live: a citizens' assault that forced the evacuation of congressmen threatened by the mob and resulted in five deaths and hundreds of arrests.