The former secretary general of the PP youth wing, a young man named Carlo G. Angrisano, has left the New Generations. peperas to switch to Vox, how can one read in this newspaperDon't think that Angrisano, a young man with the ruddy complexion typical of certain conservative youth, made this decision out of self-interest. On the contrary: he is driven by the disappointment he feels with the party he belonged to until the end of last week: "I was one of many Spaniards convinced that the People's Party should protect the best of our country," he laments in a highly sentimental message posted on social media. Now, however, he sees that the PP has ceased to represent the values ​​for which he joined the party, namely: "Love for Spain, for its identity, its history, its freedom, and the dignity of our people." And he perceives, instead, that Vox does represent all these ideals, which, according to Angrisano, are now "trampled on by separatism" (he hasn't realized that separatism is dedicated to trampling on itself). The now-former secretary general of the PP's youth wing sees "firm ideas" and "unwavering principles" in Vox, which, incidentally, is the party for which his uncle, Juan Carlos Girauta, is currently a Member of the European Parliament. Girauta had previously been a member of the PP and Ciutadans, and, in his youth, of the PSC. Following the family tradition of political opportunism, and as self-serving Catalans, perhaps once they're done with Vox they can join Aliança Catalana together.

A growing number of Catalans believe that the influx of immigrants into the country should be curbed. Specifically, almost two out of three citizens are in favor of limiting their arrival (63.7%), a figure that has increased by almost 20 percentage points compared to two years ago. This is one of the findings of the latest survey by the Institute of Political and Social Sciences (ICPS), published this Tuesday. The survey was based on 2,000 face-to-face interviews conducted between October 13 and November 22, 2025, with a margin of error of 2.2%. The director of the institute, Oriol Bartomeus, emphasized that this figure is almost identical to that of 1993. "There is a short-term worsening, but not if we compare it to the long term," he said, after noting that in the last twenty years the foreign population "has increased tenfold."

How far removed this new year feels from the fever of 2017, when Catalonia was experiencing one of those rare moments when it can seem—and when some even come to believe it—that anything is possible, although deep down everyone knows it won't be. As happens in these cases where narratives take precedence over reality, when the crash comes, there is a retreat, the result of seeing the emergence of evidence that seemed surmountable but is far from it. Immediately comes the return to discretion, the frustration of realizing that expectations had been created that were beyond reach. Catalan society is now in a phase of keeping its feet on the ground. More than out of disillusionment, it's due to the realization of a certain naiveté.

Despite leading a political party with significant electoral prospects, Silvia Orriols—and, in general, the leaders of Aliança Catalana—have a modest public presence. This contrasts sharply with politicians from other parties who spend their days posting on social media and strive for omnipresence in the press. In the case of Aliança Catalana, is this an oversight or a deliberate strategy? It seems that, despite being risky, the gamble is already paying off. A political party aspiring to consolidate its hegemonic power can choose between two strategies: clearly define its platform or become an abstract concept, open to interpretation by voters according to their own expectations. This second, seemingly paradoxical path can be effective in societies where diverse interests make it difficult to craft a single narrative that satisfies everyone. Indefiniteness then becomes an asset, because it is not an absence of content but a magic mirror in which each citizen sees their problems and aspirations reflected. Marked by volatility and immediacy, current politics tends to reward those actors capable of generating strong emotions, rather than offering concrete and feasible solutions, which are naively taken for granted. The diffuse, blurred idea functions as a symbol: it doesn't say exactly how it will materialize, but it suggests that it can become the vehicle for change, or security, or prosperity, that each person desires in their own way. Ambiguity allows the same slogan to be interpreted differently by a businessperson seeking stability, by a young person earning an insufficient salary, or by someone who is simply very angry about things that happened in 2017. The strength of the party-idea, then, lies in its ability to avoid contradicting any of these interpretations, maintaining its place within a specific space.

"Talking about the problems." This is the solution that the parties are trying, including those of the social democratic left, which has tasted the honey of government for decades and resists being swept away by the authoritarian wind that is freezing the entire northern hemisphere.

Political parties are fundamental components of the democratic system. Undeniable. And yet, political parties are now directly responsible for the growing disconnect between citizens and democracy as a system of representation and governance. This contradiction has become increasingly tangible in recent decades as a critical issue and part of the explanation for the rise of populist and anti-democratic options. Two fundamental elements of the democratic system have been in place since the Transition: the basic legislation on political organizations and the proportional representation electoral system. Spanish (and Catalan) regulations grant political parties exclusive power in the dual function of representing citizens and selecting candidates for positions of responsibility in various institutions. The legitimacy of proportional representation systems is more than established, but we also know that they include criteria such as "closed and blocked" lists, which limit and undermine the direct relationship between elected officials and voters. Beyond the party leaders and candidates for regional or local government, political parties are no longer able to maintain a dialogue with the citizens they theoretically represent. Does anyone know who "my representative" is? Who, beyond their immediate party and social circle, knows the members of one electoral list or another? How can we evaluate or criticize their legislative performance, or their direct contact with their electorate? The initial good intention (1978), which aimed to guarantee political pluralism and respect for minorities, has resulted in a clear disconnect between political forces and a society that has lost much of the trust and respect it should owe its representatives. The virtues of proportional representation were minimized from the outset by the definition of provincial constituencies that favored (or imposed) a two-party system considered a guarantee of stability.

From yellow to sepia, from lilac to maroon, from turquoise to blue, and from light yellow to mustard yellow. The graphic designs of many political parties have been on fire over the last year: four parties (ERC, Comuns, Junts, and the CUP) have reworked their graphic identity. In the case of the junteros, the changes were limited to the color and the election campaign, as well as some specific events afterward, but the three left-wing parties have also redesigned their logo and typography, establishing them as the new party brand. These modifications respond to the political context and, above all, to organic movements within the parties.

Just in the last ten days, we've learned of the creation of three new political parties in countries we consider "consolidated democracies." The first is in France. François Ruffin has announced the creation of the Debout! party. He comes from the radical left, has been linked to Jean-Luc Mélenchon's La France Insoumise, and positions himself between it and the likely Social Democratic candidate, Raphaël Glucksmann. The second is in the United Kingdom. Jeremy Corbin, former leader of the Labour Party and particularly critical of the current Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, is forming a new party with a group of MPs gathered under the name Independent Alliance. To complete the picture, in the United States, Elon Musk—who was expected to end up in a bloodbath with Donald Trump—has just announced his new party, America. And this is just a small, early glimpse of what's to come.

Let me start with a personal anecdote. A close political figure, from the leftist world and without any institutional ties, explains to me that one of his main challenges is convincing certain people, often fellow students, that work stemming from collective issues should be remunerated. In the world of activism and political involvement, the line between volunteerism and monetary return is difficult to draw, a dilemma that now, as it was in the past, generates tensions within organizations. It is true that the expected return from involvement in collective actions is not necessarily financial. Political involvement usually advances thanks to the desire to achieve a higher ideal, to have a more or less tangible return (such as a position or recognition) in the near or distant future, or from the expression of personal satisfaction at being surrounded by people with similar goals. However, it is also common to see how the absence of financial compensation hinders collective action and is a source of significant frustration.

There are people who eat the same thing every day. Morning, noon, and night. A single dish: resentment. In Catalonia, there is a geography of bitterness. It's starting to show now. As if new regions and towns were being born. The territorial division of resentment. The country remembers what has happened in recent years in the United States. States of resentment. States of hatred.

AI is here to stay and the parties know it. Some, therefore, are already incorporating it into their digital strategies to try to ensure that messages have a greater impact and reach their potential audience. The PP has exploited this in recent weeks: first, to do A parody of the alleged corruption of the PSOE, and this weekend he made another one about 8-M. "We will not stop using any tool to fight the government," say sources from the state PP leadership. But what is hidden behind these videos? The populars, like the rest of the parties, know that through social networks is where they can attract potential younger voters, because they are the ones who use it the most, also to get information. And the PP is aware of a reality that all the surveys reflect: that in the right-wing field, Vox has much more entry among the youth electorate. Videos with AI are to confront in this arena as well.

Is democracy in danger? Does it have the majority support of the citizens? In general, more than 80% of Catalans give unquestionable support to the political system. However, this percentage falls among the youngest, between 18 and 24 years old, especially among men: 61.8% support the democratic system – that is, 20 points less than the rest of the age groups – but there is 16.4% who support an authoritarian system over a democracy. This percentage is not equaled in any other age group or sex. In fact, 73.1% of women between 18 and 24 years old support democracy (although below the average), while only 9.6% would support a dictatorship. The data comes from the opinion poll of the Institute of Political and Social Sciences (ICPS) made public this Wednesday.

The sun might have shone on the event commemorating the 43rd anniversary of the Spanish Constitution this Monday morning outside Parliament in Madrid, but the cold has been the real protagonist of an event which, once again, was held outdoors because of the pandemic. The low temperatures were reflected in attendants thick coats, but also cooled any prospects of successfully addressing constitutional reform. The rift between PSOE and PP was as evident as ever, and not even coalition partners PSOE and Unidas Podemos have a common position regarding the modification of the Magna Carta.