A charismatic 35-year-old man travels through the towns of a German state aboard a blue 1975 Simson, the legendary motorcycle of the former East Germany. At every stop, thousands of followers with his face printed on their t-shirts shout his name and queue up to get a photograph or an autograph before he climbs back onto the bike and resumes his journey. What might seem like a rock star's tour is, in reality, the election campaign of Ulrich Siegmund, the politician who aspires to make Saxony-Anhalt the first German state governed by the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD).

Saturday, Sant Jaume square in Barcelona hosted the first demonstration in Spain of the ultra movement Save Europe Act, which calls for "remigration" – the forced return of non-European migrants. The rally, with only about fifty people, showed a drop in attendance amidst unanimous rejection from institutions and social fabric. The Barcelona City Council announced it will take racist messages expressed during the demonstration to the prosecutor's office – as the Government had also planned on Friday – while the Comuns denounced the act to the Generalitat on Sunday and demanded sanctions of up to 500,000 euros for xenophobic speeches. Previously, parties like the CUP, ERC, and the Comuns themselves had already called to open the way to ban the mobilization; a request shared by the groups present at the anti-fascist counter-demonstration on Saturday in the square. However, can acts like this be banned?

The far-right, which claims the primacy of the "autochthonous" and "white" population in Europe, puts Barcelona on the map of its continental offensive. The Save Europe Act movement – which calls on the European Union for the forced "remigration" (expulsion) of non-European migrants to protect the "ethnic continuity" of the continent's "native peoples" – will make its first stop in Spain this Saturday, August 22, in Plaça Sant Jaume in Barcelona. The event is part of a tour that has already passed through Brussels, Utrecht, Lyon, and Lille, and comes at a time when immigration management – with the Ceuta crisis as a backdrop – is at the center of European political debate.

The Islamic veil isn't exactly the tip of the iceberg, but it's close. The veil is a sign, a symbol, proof of how the human landscape of our streets has changed, and it's a subject of political debate.

The global crisis caused by the rise to power of Donald Trump has intensified the debate on how to label, ideologically, the spheres controlled by the extreme right. A controversy that is apparently causing considerable reluctance among historians, political scientists, analysts, and journalists when it comes to presenting facts and ideas in black and white. Because it's not just a question of how to use the terminology: far right, extreme right, far right, populist far right? Or simply right-wing populism or ultra populism? It might seem like we're dealing with a handful of euphemisms and substitutes to choose from when talking about Trump, Putin, Netanyahu, Orbán, or Le Pen. Some warn of the risk of falling into a certain "banalization" of fascism. And the signals emitted by reality invite us to delve deeper into the issue.

These days I take the opportunity to hang some pictures and I am thankful that my flat is not a town hall because I would not find any suitable corner to hang the portrait of King Felipe VI. Nothing is Bourbon to me, at home. I have placed, and prominently, the couple of the Queen of England and Angela Merkel in a magnificent image smiling at Windsor Castle, on the farewell tour that the chancellor is beginning to make. It is a question of taste and contradictions. As we can still choose our private decoration for the time being, I make the most of the freedom, like when I'm scrubbing a jar of Nutella. Let's be free up to the bottom of the jar, because it's getting rough.