In March 2007, 19 years ago, hundreds of representatives of the so-called Catalan civil society filled the Iese to the brim in an event that became a true claim for the need to bring the management of a key infrastructure such as Barcelona airport closer to the territory. Almost two decades have passed since then and the issue, which has been resurfacing over the years, is back on the table, now with a public-private centralized operator, Aena. Issues that have been raised for a long time have not yet been resolved, such as the accounts of each of the airports in the network – they are presented as a whole, without detailing the parts that make them up or what some gain and others lose, or which ones subsidize the others, etc.

The Spanish legislature often hangs by a thread. The devilish arithmetic left by the June 23rd elections forces Pedro Sánchez to work incredibly hard in every vote. One of the areas where the Spanish government struggles most is in the ratification of royal decree-laws, regulations approved by the Council of Ministers that require the endorsement of Congress. This legislature has seen five repealed, the same number as in the previous 45 years. It is no surprise that the two usual allies who have most frequently abandoned the Moncloa Palace are Junts and Podem. In contrast, Esquerra Republicana is the only partner that has voted in favor of all 31 royal decree-laws promoted by the Spanish government and submitted to a vote in the lower house. The Republicans, along with the PNV, are the only ones with a specific clause in their legislation. the investiture agreement which they signed with the PSOE in which they commit to "providing stability" to the legislature "in parallel with fulfilling the commitments made" through the "willingness to approve," among other things, the decree laws.

Since the fortunate end of ETA terrorism, the Basque Country has lost the media prominence it enjoyed since the Transition, but this does not mean its political conflict with the Spanish State has ceased to exist. The political struggle for greater self-government has historically been led by the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), although in recent years the pragmatic shift of EH Bildu has also led the radical Basque nationalist left to join the fray. Basque society is so convinced that negotiation is the right path, after the trauma of political violence, and that to optimize this negotiation it is necessary to strengthen its own parties that the PNV and Bildu together hold 65% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and 54 of the 75 seats. On the 16th, the Basque and Spanish governments, within the framework of the Joint Transfer Commission, signed the transfer of five new powers to the Basque Country: Maritime Rescue, the management of the Barakaldo Machinery Verification Center, non-contributory family benefits, unemployment benefits, and school insurance. It was also approved that the Basque Country will manage unemployment benefits starting January 1, 2027, meaning that the SEPE (State Public Employment Service) offices will become part of the Basque Lanbide network (in Catalonia, there is a dual network of the SEPE and the Generalitat's OTGs for active employment policies). It is highly significant that all these powers have taken 45 years to be transferred, despite being enshrined in an organic law such as the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia.

The Basque government, after securing the transfer of five powers to the Basque Country at the last minute two weeks ago (including Maritime Rescue and non-contributory family benefits), is now focusing, once and for all, on completing the implementation of the Statute of Autonomy. According to the Basque Statute, fifteen areas remain to be addressed. Of these, perhaps the most important, due to their significant economic and infrastructural implications, are the management of pension payments and the transfer of airports. The payment of contributory pensions would be the final step in the economic management of Social Security, a concept on which the central government has yet to take a position, following the transfer of the management of unemployment benefits and subsidies two weeks ago. This latter matter already met with strong reservations from senior technical experts in Madrid, but not from the political side, as they perceived a serious risk of disrupting the unitary model and the single fund of the Social Security system. In fact, the transfer agreement clearly establishes this as the red line. The "technical" aspects of pension payment management will reignite the debate.

Interestingly, this week the telecoms sector has been looking to politics. On the one hand, Telefónica has appointed former PNV president Andoni Ortuzar to its board of directors. A controversial appointment, given that it comes amidst negotiations for a workforce reduction plan. On the other hand, Sateliot approached the socialist Meritxell Batet, president of the Congress of Deputies between 2019 and 2023, formerly Minister of Public Administration (2018-2019), and currently president of the National Council of the PSC (Socialist Party of Catalonia). In addition, the Eurogroup has a new president, and Oriol Oró is stepping down as director of Fira de Lleida after 18 years. These are the most notable appointments of the week:

Faced with the trickle of sexual harassment and corruption cases plaguing the PSOE, the second vice president and public face of Sumar, Yolanda Díaz, demanded on Friday that the Spanish Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, carry out a "profound change within the [Spanish] government". "This cannot continue." “The time for reflection, changes, and cosmetic reforms is over,” she declared in an interview on La Sexta. “It’s a turning point, and it’s time to act.” The Second Vice President indicated that it is not up to her to decide whether or not to call early elections, but reaffirmed that a “profound reformulation” of the government is necessary, as it no longer has the support of either Podemos or Junts per Catalunya. Sumar was not alone in this Saturday; other partners in the government, such as ERC and PNV, joined in. She called for “firm actions and commitments” to democratize institutions “where democracy has not yet arrived” and also to end all forms of sexual harassment and corruption. Junqueras, the ERC spokesperson, and Gabriel Rufián were much more lenient with the PSOE, insisting on the importance of preventing a PP-Vox government.

The Basque President, Imanol Pradales, has said enough and will consider legal action against the president of the Community of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, for the "gross manipulation" of his words, which linked him to ETA and political violence in the Basque Country. The leader of the Madrid PP pointed this out. in an interview This Monday, when he claimed that Pradales sent him a "somewhat worrying" message during a rally this weekend: "Ayuso, entzun, pim, palmo, pum" ("Ayuso, listen, pim, pam, pum"). "That's what he came to say and that's what was said before," he said, referring to the time when the terrorist organization threatened and killed.

The back-and-forth over control of Talgo continues. Finally, the Spanish government and the Basque government agreed that SEPI, the investment arm of the Spanish government, will participate in Sidenor's takeover of Talgo, as the regional government announced in a press release Tuesday night, following the Bilateral Commission between the two governments held in Madrid. "This is long-awaited news: both governments have channeled SEPI's participation to make the [Sidenor] operation viable and thus maintain Talgo's activity and occupation in the Basque Country," the Basque government reported. Beyond that, however, Basque Basque Regional President Imanol Pradales declined to go into detail about the basis of this participation, that is, whether it involves the purchase of a portion of Talgo's shares by SEPI or the granting of a long-term convertible loan, as reported by the newspaper. The CountryPradales explained that the agreement will be developed "in the coming weeks." "I want discretion," he said. Be that as it may, the move provides a breath of fresh air that should allow the Basque company Sidenor to take definitive control of Talgo: the entry of SEPI would be a way to strengthen the company's accounts and allow banks to refinance its debt.

Antxon Alonso Egurrola is a businessman from Elgoibar who met Santos Cerdán almost twenty years ago in Milagro (Navarra), where the former secretary of organization of the PSOE was a councilor. Their first shared business did not work out, but the friendship and collaboration between the two was just beginning. A few years later, Santos and the Gipuzkoa, that is, the Guipuzcoan, meet again. If the UCO report is to be believed, the man currently imprisoned in Soto del Real joined two political powerhouses: María Chivite and Pedro Sánchez. At the same time, Antxon allegedly built up both of their businesses. Later, according to the police report, Koldo García, the traitor who recorded everything, would join them.

The Santos Cerdán case has given the PP ammunition to try to deliver the final blow to the Spanish government. Sánchez's parliamentarians in Congress, whom the PP has accused of complicity for weeks for not withdrawing their support, have also exported the attack to Catalonia and the Basque Country. Alejandro Fernández asked the president of the Generalitat to explain why his name appears in the report by the Central Operational Unit (UCO) of the Civil Guard, which accuses Cerdán of being the mastermind of a network of illegal commissions in the awarding of public works contracts. Fernandez asked him "who is Chili" Because the police document mentions that Isla, when he was Minister of Health, spoke with a person by that name on Signal. Isla claimed he didn't know who it was and denied any involvement in any wrongdoing.

The parliamentary debates on the blackout recalled the classic differences between Catalan and Spanish politics. In the past, it was assumed that Catalan politics tended to be colder, more rational, and also more sane, while Spanish politics were expected to be more polarized and visceral. Last Tuesday, Salvador Illa faced a difficult plenary session, but it is true that he encountered an opposition that, despite not sparing criticism, made proposals—even if formulated in a more or less harsh tone—and maintained a constructive spirit. In the Congress of Deputies, however, a new government-demolition session was held, led by the Spanish nationalist right-wing bloc. From the first day of the blackout, it was clear that the PP and Vox would use the new dystopian calamity to ruthlessly attack Pedro Sánchez, a president around whom the Spanish right has built a wall of sentimental energy. They don't just wear Pedro Sánchez down; they also hate him: some just pretend, but many have come to truly hate him. They hate him as much, or more, than if he were a communist or a Catalan separatist. It's a sentimental way of approaching politics, and this is surely the reason for its failure. The hatred against Sánchez is a poor fuel that burns well the covens of the hard right, but prevents, for example, the PNV from considering joining forces with the PP on anything. This was repeated this week by Aitor Esteban, the new president of the Basque right-wing party: "As long as Vox is part of the equation, we won't even explore it." This is a way of saying they don't intend to join the sentimental politics of the Spanish right, in which Vox plays the role of fanning the flames of sentiment to the maximum. But the PP is also playing hard to get. Hate, hate, and more hate.

Less than a year ago, the Biscayan municipality of Plentzia approved a motion declaring itself an integral part of a Basque republic. It did so following an initiative by the Ehun association, which advocates a unilateral path to independence, with the vote in favor of EH Bildu, which governs with an absolute majority, and the abstention of the PNV (Basque Nationalist Party). The proponents of the proposal then highlighted its importance as it was the first time an institution had declared itself part of the Basque republic. "The people of Plentzia have self-determined," declared Ehun.

The PNV opens a new era with Aitor Esteban at its head. What has been for years the The most visible face of the Jeltzales in the Congress of Deputies has taken over from Andoni Ortuzar as president of the PNV at the party's 9th General Assembly in San Sebastián this Sunday. Achieving the national liberation of Euskadi, maintaining the cohesion of Basque society, and strengthening the welfare state remain on the list of milestones that Esteban's renewed executive aims to achieve. But, beyond that, the new leader called for unity and urged the banishment of "laziness and disloyalty" from the ranks of the PNV. If there are disagreements, he warned, they must be channeled internally. "There are not two souls in the PNV. There are 22,000! Those of each member of the party," exclaimed Esteban, excited, as he took the makila –traditional Basque walking stick from the hands of his ancestor. Ortuzar said he was giving up challenging him for the leadership. of the party after 12 years as president to avoid the internal division that a confrontation would have caused. "Before names, what matters is preserving the party as a fundamental instrument for the freedom of this people," Esteban said.

Aitor Esteban (Bilbao, 1962) has been involved in politics all his life, always in the PNV. He has a doctorate in law from the University of Deusto and since 1991, when he joined the Provincial Council of Vizcaya as secretary general of the Presidency and spokesman, he has not stopped. He learned from one of the best, Xabier Arzalluz, and in his shadow a group of young people, among whom were Iñigo Urkullu and Andoni Ortuzar, formed a group that became known as the Jobubis (Young Burukides Vizcaínos) who little by little won battles until they managed to control the party. On Wednesday, in his last control session in Congress, he said goodbye to a standing ovation from a good part of the deputies.