Just a month ago, Juan Carlos I decided to postpone the trip he had planned to Sanxenxo – to return to the regattas – and stay in Abu Dhabi after the outbreak of the war in Iran. Thirty days later, the conflict in the Middle East has not ended, but the emeritus king has decided to leave the Arab country where he has resided since 2020 to receive an award for his memoir book, Reconciliation. The recognition is from the French association Lire la Société, but it is still surprising that the emeritus king receives an award from a country like France, a republic that values the figure and trajectory of Juan Carlos I when the Spanish state has condemned him to ostracism.

While in Spain the definitive return of Juan Carlos I continues to be a heated and uncomfortable debate, the king emeritus has found recognition in the most unexpected place: the French Republic. Just a few days after receiving the warmth of the public at the Las Ventas bullring in Madrid, where part of the audience demanded his return and the normalization of his figure, the emeritus is preparing to be honored in a setting full of symbolism. It will not be the first time he visits the French Assembly: he already did so in 1993. It is paradoxical that France, the nation that forged its modern identity on the overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy, now opens the doors of its seat of national sovereignty to him. The image of Juan Carlos I entering the National Assembly in Paris to be awarded represents an ironic twist of history: the Bourbon who generates institutional and political division in his own country is welcomed in the most republican France as a historical asset worthy of praise.

While in Spain the definitive return of Juan Carlos I continues to be a heated and uncomfortable debate, the emeritus king has found recognition in the most unexpected place: the French Republic. Just a few days after receiving the warm support of the public in the Las Ventas bullring in Madrid, where a part of the audience claimed his return and the normalization of his figure, the emeritus is preparing to be honored on a stage charged with symbolism. It will not be the first time he visits the French Assembly: he already did so in 1993. It is paradoxical that France, the nation that forged its modern identity on the overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy, now opens the doors of its seat of national sovereignty to him. The image of Juan Carlos I entering the National Assembly in Paris to be awarded represents an ironic twist of history: the Bourbon who generates institutional and political division in his own country is received in the most republican France as a historical asset worthy of praise.

The pressure for the return of the emeritus king Juan Carlos I even reaches the bullring. It is known that bullfighting is a hobby of the former head of state, but since 2019 he had not frequented a bullring to receive an ovation, which is what he always receives when he steps on them from his loyal public. The fervent applause happened again this Easter Sunday, when he attended the Real Maestranza in Seville to see the return of the bullfighter José Antonio Morante de la Puebla, who has supported the PP and Vox on different occasions. The attendees, standing, paid tribute to him despite the long shadow of corruption that pursues him. At the Las Ventas bullring in Madrid, he already received a strong ovation in May 2019 and also visited the Aranjuez bullring in June 2019.

The emeritus king is "well" and "calm," despite the attacks on Iran by the United States and Israel. It hadn't occurred to me to worry about him, but this news published this Monday on RTVE It reminded me that, indeed, Juan Carlos I still lives in the Persian Gulf. His mansion in Abu Dhabi is under construction, and for the past few months, he has been staying in a luxury hotel in the United Arab Emirates. No one should worry, because the escalating conflict doesn't seem likely to prevent him from returning to Sanxenxo this month to participate in the regattas.

This week no relevant secrets about the 23-F coup d'état have been revealed, but it has left us with the hilarious phone conversations of Antonio Tejero's wife and a new strategic blunder by Alberto Núñez Feijóo for history. Carmen Díaz Pereira, Tejero's wife, discovered on the night of February 23rd what it feels like to be on the losing side. While half of Spain waits with bated breath to see if they will be rounded up like in 1936, this woman, sensing that the coup was failing, moved heaven and earth to try to get her husband out of the mess he had gotten into for being “a fool” and “an idiot”. “If they've left him like a cigarette butt. For God's sake. It's undignified”, she complains to General Fajardo. It's clear that she considers her husband an idealistic dreamer who has been tricked by some cowardly generals. “So good and so honest. Always with the homeland up, down [...] and all he wants is to end terrorism so that people live comfortably and in peace”, she tells a friend. “Have you seen what a disgusting army?”, she tells another. The friends she speaks to, presumably also military wives, try to encourage her by telling her that her husband is a “hero”, but she is suspicious. She knows, long before her husband does, how it will all end and that he will be a scapegoat. “A wretch” who has been “deceived”. Seen through these conversations, February 23rd becomes a sad Valle-Inclanesque farce. Of course, a farce that could have cost many lives.

The declassification of the February 23rd documents confirms what we already suspected at the time: that Tejero's rashness, the impetuous coup plotter, was a stroke of luck. He raised the curtain prematurely, indignant at the indecisiveness of his fellow conspirators. Too many would-be dictators. Only Milans del Bosch followed suit, leaving the others in a strange limbo that had the effect of dissolving alliances and generating a certain disarray among those who had long been mobilizing and pressuring for a hardening of the regime: they were seeking a drawing-room coup, with the king as a Spaniard, and instead found themselves facing an onslaught. And so, the situation suddenly changed.

This week has been a new test for the parliamentary monarchy system that Spain adopted with the approval of the Constitution. The declassification of documents related to the attempted coup d'état of February 23 has generated several debates, especially regarding the possible return of the emeritus king and the conditions under which it could take place. In the face of the controversy, the royal household has been quick to react. From the Zarzuela Palace, it has been made very clear that Juan Carlos I can return to reside in Spanish territory whenever he decides. But the message contained a warning. If he does, he must be aware that this step implies that "he would have to reestablish his tax residence in Spain". This may be the decisive factor preventing his return. The investigations by the Prosecutor's Office into the emeritus king, which came to nothing, should not imply that once he is settled here again, a kind of guarantee of confidentiality and disinterest regarding his finances and assets will operate. Under these conditions, it is unlikely that Juan Carlos I will abandon the possibility he now has of coming and going as he pleases and settling here again peacefully, which in his case means being able to dispense with the public treasury's attentions that citizens usually receive.

If we were to adapt Tolstoy's idea to monarchy, we could formulate it thus: all stable monarchies are similar; each monarchy in crisis is so in its own way.

The declassification of the February 23rd documents supports the official version And it reinforces the idea that it was the emeritus king who stopped the coup. This narrative has led the People's Party (PP) to defend Juan Carlos I the very day after this documentation was made public. "I think it would be desirable for the emeritus king to return to Spain," stated Alberto Núñez Feijóo in a message on X. Sources at La Moncloa (the Prime Minister's residence) consulted by ARA (the newspaper) are passing the buck to the Royal Household. "The emeritus king can return whenever he wants. No one has denied him entry to Spain. It's up to him to return. It's a matter for the Royal Household, not the government or the leader of the opposition," sources from the Spanish government assert. Meanwhile, sources at the Royal Household have sidestepped the uncomfortable question about a possible return from Abu Dhabi, claiming it is a "personal decision" of the former monarch. The PP is clear that he should be encouraged to return. According to the leader of the People's Party, the information revealed this Wednesday should lead to a "reconciliation" of Spaniards "with the man who stopped the coup." "He himself has acknowledged undeniable errors in his career, but someone who contributed to upholding our democracy and our freedoms at a crucial moment should spend the final stage of his life with dignity and in his own country," he argued. Isabel Díaz Ayuso also defended the return of the former king. "What Mr. Feijóo has said is what the vast majority of Spaniards think," the president of the Community of Madrid asserted.

All the coup plotters claimed to be speaking on behalf of the king. This was the case with General Alfonso Armada, Lieutenant General Jaime Milans del Bosch, and Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero. But no one has ever been able to prove that they had Juan Carlos I's approval to attempt the coup d'état of February 23, 1981. The 153 documents declassified by the Spanish government this Wednesday, in fact, support the official narrative that the king was one of the saviors of democracy, the official title he was given from that day forward. The king spoke with Milans del Bosch and Armada to demand that they stand down, and his personal secretary, Sabino Fernández Campo, spoke with Tejero. who, in one of those coincidences that seem worthy of conspiracy theories, died this Wednesday at the age of 93

A few days ago, archaeologists discovered underground remains in a hotel in central Barcelona that radically change the map of ancient Bàrcino. From the stones found, scientists have concluded that the forum did not follow the north-south direction, but rather east-west. A complete upheaval for the ancient history of the capital and a well-deserved euphoria for the excavators. Well, the declassification of the 23-F papers has not caused any joy or much surprise: not only because the official map established regarding the failed coup has not been changed, but because the few new stones found only confirm that all those who were involved ended up in prison, but not all who were involved were there. Some surnames: Commander Cortina and Captains García Almenta and Sánchez Valiente, all of them assigned to the Cesid. The first was tried and acquitted. The other two were neither prosecuted nor tried, despite having actively participated in the preparation and execution of the military rebellion, as evidenced by the papers. As for the majority of the rest of the documents I have been able to review, they have made me think of the remembered colleague Pepe Oneto, a brave journalist, director of the also brave Cambio 16 and Tiempo, who as early as 1982 published in a book the transcription of the calls made to the wife of Lieutenant Colonel Tejero and who now some are surprised by its content, more typical of a Berlanga or Torrente film than of a command from the "worthy corps". The same can be said of some Cesid reports now "revealed", which have also appeared in some of the hundreds of dedicated books.

A few days ago, archaeologists discovered underground remains in a hotel in the center of Barcelona that radically change the map of ancient Barcino. Based on the stones found, scientists have concluded that the forum did not follow a north-south direction, but rather an east-west one. This is a complete reversal of the ancient history of the capital and a well-deserved euphoria for the excavators. Well then, the declassification of the 23-F documents They have caused neither joy nor hardly any surprise: not only because the established official map of the failed coup hasn't changed, but also because the few new pieces found only confirm that all those who were responsible ended up in jail, but not all those who were responsible were actually there.

Three months before February 23rd, there were already rumors of sabers in Spain. Alfonso Suárez's government was weakened and, within the Civil Guard, ideas and plans were already circulating about how to sabotage the constitutional regime. Some of them are detailed in an unsigned document, dated November 1980, which is among those declassified this Wednesday —and that some books on February 23rd had already been hinting at—. According to this report, consulted by the ARA, the coup plotters had planned several roadmaps to get rid of Suárez and replace his government with one more in line with their interests, without going through the ballot boxes under any circumstances. And, within the various factions of the military, there was a group linked to Operation Galaxia —another coup d'état plan from 1978 which also featured Antonio Tejero as the protagonist— which planned to kill King Juan Carlos I if he did not align himself with the new regime on the day of the coup d'état.

Three months before February 23rd, there were already rumors of a coup attempt in Spain. Alfonso Suárez's government was weakened, and within the Civil Guard, ideas and plans were circulating about how to sabotage the constitutional regime. Some of these are detailed in an unsigned document, dated November 1980, which is among the documents declassified this Wednesday—and which some books about February 23rd had already hinted at. According to this report, consulted by ARA, the coup plotters had devised various roadmaps to get rid of Suárez and replace his government with a more sympathetic one, without going through the ballot box under any circumstances. And, within the various military factions, there was a group linked to Operation Galaxia—another coup attempt from 1978 that also featured Antonio Tejero—that planned to assassinate King Juan Carlos I if he did not align himself with the new regime.

Among the information declassified this Wednesday by the Spanish government regarding the attempted coup of February 23, 1981, are notes from the Spanish intelligence services. The then Higher Center for Defense Information (CESID) prepared one in early February 1982, almost a year after the events and a few weeks before the trial of those responsible, which recorded suspicions that Juan Carlos I had held "confidential and secretive interviews" with "some of the main" perpetrators of the 23-F coup. "It is asserted that, in fact, the King has met confidentially with Lieutenant General Milans del Bosch; it indicates that above all else, the aim is to ensure that the Crown is not harmed by the proceedings and that, in any case, attempts to do so do not originate from the main defendants and those with a known monarchist vocation," the CESID document states.

This week marks the 45th anniversary of the attempted coup d'état of February 23rd, and the Spanish government has decided that it was time to declassify the documentation that has been kept under lock and key for years. The order to lift the secrecy was published early this Wednesday in the Official State Gazette (BOE), where the need to make public the "matters, documents, information, data and objects" related to the military uprising led by Tejero, Armada and Milans is justified. These are 153 "documentary units" that, according to the Spanish government's prediction, will be available for consultation through the Moncloa website by noon today.

This week marks the 45th anniversary of the attempted coup of February 23rd and the Spanish government has decided that it was time to declassify the documentation which has been kept under wraps for years. The order to lift the secrecy order was published early this morning. This Wednesday in the Official State Gazette (BOE)The document justifies the need to make public the "matters, documents, information, data, and objects" related to the military uprising led by Antonio Tejero, Alfonso Armada, and Jaime Milans del Bosch. These are 153 "documentary units" that have already been made public. They can be viewed here.

On February 23, 1981, General Alfonso Armada entered Congress with a vision of a "national salvation government" and left under arrest after the coup attempt failed, due in part to infighting among the coup plotters. According to accounts published since then, that government would have included Armada himself as Prime Minister, along with the socialists Felipe González (Economic Vice President), Gregorio Peces-Barba (Justice), Javier Solana (Transport), and Enrique Múgica (Health); the communist deputies Jordi Solé Tura (Labor) and Ramón Tamames (Economy); from the UCD (Union of the Democratic Centre) Pío Cabanillas (Finance), José Luis Álvarez (Public Works), Miguel Herrero Rodríguez de Miñón (Education and Science), and Agustín Rodríguez (Industry); and from the Popular Alliance, Manuel Fraga (Defense) and Manuel Saavedra (Interior). Among those present were other military officers such as José Antonio Sáenz de Santamaría (Minister of Autonomy and Regions) and representatives of civil society, including the former Francoist minister José María López de Letona (Deputy Minister for Economic Affairs), Carlos Ferrer Salat (Minister of Commerce), Antonio Garrigues Walker (Minister of Culture), and Luis María Anson (Minister of Information).

According to the official narrative, February 23rd was the day everything could have collapsed, the day Spain's fragile and fledgling democracy saved itself (through the providential intervention of King Juan Carlos) from the turbulent tradition of coups and pronunciamientos that punctuates modern Spanish history. But in reality, it was the day Spanish democracy finally took shape as it is today: it already had a Constitution, institutions, and international recognition, and all it needed was a coup. A pat on the back from the state that would function as a self-fulfilling prophecy: you see, how there's the rustling of sabers? You see, how we should be grateful to King Juan Carlos for having given us (and, moreover, saved) democracy? You see, how everything hangs by a thread, and it's best not to make too many demands because everything could fall apart at any moment? Just in case, and so that no one tries to rush things (so that no left-wing extremism or national demands from Catalans or Basques reawaken the fascist beast), we will proceed to implement LOAPA and thus everything will be more harmonious (the acronym LoapaIn Spanish, they mean organic law on regional harmonization(It was, so to speak, a step backward before it even began). To a significant extent, the spirit of the Transition consisted of a cautious, and often cynical, management of the traps set by the powers of the state within the state itself, on the arduous and not-so-exemplary path (there were dozens of deaths) from one regime to another.