The journalist and political scientist Estefania Molina (Igualada, 1991) speaks to ARA after publishing Els fills dels boomers (Destino), in which she points out the baby boom generation as the only leg supporting the system: it acts as a plaster to prevent social unrest and, at the same time, prevents, she believes, political reform. A commentator in media such as La Ser or El País, she admits that with this book she wanted to go beyond analysis and take sides.

It was no longer decisive, but their vote was one of the last unknowns in the vote on the decree with tax cuts for the Iran war. The PP plans to abstain, according to popular sources. However, Alberto Núñez Feijóo's party still leaves the door open to a vote in favor if there is a last-minute turn by the Spanish government. What should happen? That Pedro Sánchez's executive commits during the debate, which will take place this Thursday, to deflating personal income tax. For the PP, the package of measures approved last Friday by the Council of Ministers is still "insufficient". However, they will not vote against it because it "includes part of its proposal for tax cuts".

Junts per Catalunya gives the Spanish government a breather and will save the decree which contains fiscal measures to mitigate the effects of the Iran-Iraq War. Among other things, it includes a reduction in VAT on fuel, electricity, and gas. This was announced by the Junts per Catalunya spokesperson in the Congress of Deputies, Miriam Nogueras, in an interview with TV3. She linked it to a gesture by the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) in favor of exempting self-employed workers with an annual turnover of less than €85,000 from VAT. How should this gesture take the form of a vote in favor of a point in a non-binding motion—a non-legislative initiative, known as a PNL, which is not legally binding—presented by Junts and scheduled for a vote on Thursday. "We expect them to vote yes to supporting the self-employed; therefore, they will have our vote in favor of the decree," said Nogueras, even though its approval would not have immediate effects unless the Spanish government takes any concrete action. "We know that they want to transpose this directive and that, indeed, small self-employed workers will have a little more breathing room," Nogueras stressed in this regard.

After the clash with the PSOE within the council of ministers On Friday, Sumar is now focusing all its pressure on Junts and the PP to ratify the extension of rental contracts and the limitation on price increases. This is the second decree approved in addition to the one on tax cuts: it has been in effect since Sunday, but it needs the approval of Congress—with the decisive vote of Junts—to remain valid. Early Monday morning, in an interview on RNE, the Second Vice President of the Spanish government, Yolanda Díaz, made it clear that the vote will be "the last day" to extend the validity period as much as possible to validate the measure. Thus, Moncloa will have thirty working days to bring this decree-law to the lower house, which places the parliamentary review in the first week of May. "The three right-wing parties have to explain why they are harming the citizens of our country," Díaz said. Shortly afterwards, on TVE, the Minister of Social Rights, Pablo Bustinduy, called for the "biggest pressure campaign" to get the lower house to give the green light.

The opposition from Esquerra Republicana, along with the rejection by the PP, Vox, and UPN, has sunk the law promoted by the PSOE in Congress to lower the legal blood alcohol limit for drivers from 0.5 grams per liter to 0.2. This legislation had been stalled for a year. It is the first time this legislative term that the Republicans have rejected a law promoted by the Spanish government – ​​in the previous term they did so with the labor reform, which passed thanks to a mistake by the PP. The decision comes – precisely – on the same day that the PSC and ERC agreed that the Catalan Government withdraw the Generalitat's budgets To prevent Salvador Illa from suffering a parliamentary setback on Friday, MP Inés Granollers argued during the debate in the lower house's Interior Committee that "this law won't prevent accidents; what it will do is cause a lot of frustration." The Republican MP lamented that the Socialists were "cowards" for establishing a rate around 0.0 and argued that the law was "very cynical" and contained a "false promise." However, the PSOE, Sumar, Junts, Bildu, and the PNV supported it, with 18 votes in favor and 19 against. The ERC's position was that the "best" rate would have been to prohibit drivers from drinking a single drop of alcohol, but not only that. The Republicans also advocated for early retirement for professional drivers—they presented an amendment to this effect—and for reducing the number of hours they can spend behind the wheel. Furthermore, they had long been demanding more driving examiners in Catalonia to end the backlog of waiting lists. In fact, there was a call this morning between ERC and Pere Navarro, the Director General of Traffic, but the conversation was unproductive. "The truth is, we haven't received an adequate response," summarized Inés Granollers.

The social safety net measures, which were rejected in Congress on Thursday by the PP, Vox, and Junts parties, protected 60,000 vulnerable people across Spain, some 13,000 of them in Catalonia. One of them is Francesca Cervelló. This 63-year-old resident of the Putxet neighborhood in Barcelona has been dreading this day for months. "What will I do now? What will happen to me?" she asks in a conversation with AHORA.

The left-wing and pro-independence parliamentary groups in Congress – ERC, Junts, Sumar, EH-Bildu, PNB, BNG, Compromís, and Podem – are calling for the creation of a committee in the lower house to investigate abuses, vexations, and deaths during compulsory military service. The parties signing this demand, which does not include the PSOE's signature, recall that in recent months numerous testimonies have emerged recounting "systematic situations of vexations, mistreatment, harassment, and physical and psychological aggressions suffered by recruits, as well as deaths occurring under not sufficiently clarified circumstances." This is detailed in the documentary They Will Make You a Man, which revealed that "many recruits suffered vexations, mistreatment, and aggressions in an environment that should guarantee their safety and well-being." The parties emphasize that official data from the Ministry of Defence places the number of "documented suicides in the armed forces between 1983 and 2001 at over 300, although various journalistic investigations and family testimonies suggest the figure could be higher, especially if deaths classified at the time as accidental are taken into account." Thus, they recall that "several families have learned years later that the death of their children was a suicide linked to the abuses and vexations suffered during their stay in barracks." In light of this evidence, the parties signing the petition consider that "these events do not correspond to isolated incidents, but rather point to a structural dynamic of impunity and institutional negligence, with devastating consequences for the victims and their surroundings." "The lack of exhaustive investigations, the institutional silence for decades, and the absence of recognition and reparation mechanisms have aggravated the suffering of those affected," they add. Clarifying the facts

Therefore, they believe it is necessary to formally activate institutional mechanisms to contribute to the clarification of facts, the recognition of victims, and the promotion of reparation measures, ensuring that the state-wide scope of the issue is assumed by the competent bodies. The objective of the investigation is to gather data on suicides and deaths in unclear circumstances and the denunciation of warnings linked to compulsory military service. Also, the analysis of possible institutional, political, and military responsibilities, public recognition of victims, the establishment of moral, symbolic, and economic reparation mechanisms, or access to free legal assistance and psychological support for those affected and their families.

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The left-wing and pro-independence parliamentary groups in Congress—ERC, Junts, Sumar, EH-Bildu, PNV, BNG, Compromís, and Podemos—are calling for the creation of a commission in the lower house to investigate abuses, mistreatment, and deaths during mandatory military service. The parties behind this demand, which is not supported by the PSOE, point out that in recent months numerous testimonies have emerged detailing "systematic situations of mistreatment, abuse, harassment, and physical and psychological aggression suffered by recruits, as well as deaths under circumstances that remain unclear." This is detailed in the documentary.Et faran un homeThe report revealed that "many recruits suffered harassment, mistreatment, and assaults in an environment that should have guaranteed their safety and well-being." The parties emphasize that official data from the Ministry of Defense places the number of documented suicides in the armed forces between 1983 and 2001 at over "300, although various journalistic investigations and testimonies from family members suggest that the figure could be higher, especially if deaths classified at the time as accidental are taken into account." They also note that "several families have learned years later that their children's deaths were suicides linked to the abuse and mistreatment suffered during their time in the barracks." Given this evidence, the parties signing the petition believe that "these events are not isolated incidents, but rather point to a structural dynamic of impunity and institutional negligence, with devastating consequences for the victims and their families." "The lack of thorough investigations, decades of institutional silence, and the absence of mechanisms for recognition and redress have exacerbated the suffering of those affected," they add.

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One of the hottest debates this week in the Congress of Deputies It has been the burka ban promoted by VoxAlthough it failed to pass and only garnered the votes of the People's Party (PP), the far-right initiative opened the floodgates of discussion on the appropriateness of prohibiting the use of the full-face veil. Together for Catalonia (Juntos) presented a bill on the same day to ban it in public spaces—a text that the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) has agreed to consider—the PP followed suit two days later, and the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) has also submitted its own proposal. According to party sources, the Republicans are not in favor of prohibiting the full-face veil and imposing criminal penalties on women who violate it, but they do advocate for "discouraging" its use through mandatory community service. This is their "effective solution" to "end the burka" while preventing the measure from harming the women who wear it, they believe. "Making the burka a crime will isolate them even more," warned ERC leader Oriol Junqueras this week.

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The main function of the Congress of Deputies – along with the Senate – is to draft, process, and approve laws. Typically, the laws that end up being published in the Official State Gazette (BOE) originate from the Spanish government, which often initiates them through the Council of Ministers and then faces the challenge of securing the necessary votes for their passage. In contrast, it is very rare for parliamentary groups to manage to leave their own mark on the BOE. Yesterday's vote by approve the law against repeat offenders by Junts It is a rare elderly In recent years, this hadn't been seen since 2018, and this legislative term hadn't even begun. However, this had become commonplace. Since 2011, it was a rare phenomenon—three times with Mariano Rajoy in La Moncloa, already without an absolute majority, and twice with Pedro Sánchez—but previously, Spanish presidents had reached agreements with the parliamentary groups to pass their legislative proposals. In total, 72 laws.

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The Spanish legislature often hangs by a thread. The devilish arithmetic left by the June 23rd elections forces Pedro Sánchez to work incredibly hard in every vote. One of the areas where the Spanish government struggles most is in the ratification of royal decree-laws, regulations approved by the Council of Ministers that require the endorsement of Congress. This legislature has seen five repealed, the same number as in the previous 45 years. It is no surprise that the two usual allies who have most frequently abandoned the Moncloa Palace are Junts and Podem. In contrast, Esquerra Republicana is the only partner that has voted in favor of all 31 royal decree-laws promoted by the Spanish government and submitted to a vote in the lower house. The Republicans, along with the PNV, are the only ones with a specific clause in their legislation. the investiture agreement which they signed with the PSOE in which they commit to "providing stability" to the legislature "in parallel with fulfilling the commitments made" through the "willingness to approve," among other things, the decree laws.

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Collective bargaining is the forum where representatives of workers and companies meet to negotiate all aspects of working conditions, from wages and holidays to working hours. These agreements are formalized through collective bargaining agreements, a mechanism that, ironically, experienced a 16.89% drop in Catalonia last year. The employers' association Foment del Treball has indicated that in 2025, a total of 310 agreements were registered in the Principality, affecting 611,698 employees and 64,153 companies. This data is included in its latest report. Labor market and collective bargaining report, which was published this Thursday.

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Congress and the Senate are experiencing a surge in investigative committees this legislative session. These committees are specifically created to study a matter, aiming to analyze it thoroughly through appearances by officials and experts in order to draw lessons. However, while awaiting their conclusions in the coming months, they are also currently being used as a weapon of political confrontation. Both the People's Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) have summoned prominent leaders from their respective parties on the eve of election campaigns. Are they, then, an electoral weapon? There is a list of witnesses who have been summoned on key dates leading up to the polls.

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The pressure has had no effect. The PP and Junts have rejected the pension increase and the anti-eviction measures in Congress. Although both parties agreed with the first initiative to update pensions, the fact that it was included in the same decree as the second, which they oppose, led them to vote against both. The criticism they received from the left during Tuesday's plenary session of the Lower House and the pleas from housing groups, who marched to the doors of the Lower House to demand the approval of the legislation, did not change their initial positions, which had already predicted this outcome. the first parliamentary defeat of the Spanish government this 2026. Vox also voted against it. Conversely, the Spanish government has passed the decree creating a single transport pass for the entire country and maintaining public transport subsidies amidst the railway crisis. Juntos voted in favor, and the Popular Party abstained.

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"We will finish this legislative term in 2027." Pedro Sánchez made this statement two weeks ago at a press conference. Year in review from Moncloa And it summarizes in five words the roadmap that the Spanish government and the PSOE have been tirelessly repeating for months. Despite the legal storm, parliamentary weakness, the doubts surrounding Sumar, and the cascade of sexual and workplace harassment allegations within the PSOE—which have been major blows to the socialist leader's project—Sánchez's unwavering determination is to complete the legislature that began in 2023. The PP and Vox will face a repeat of the dilemma that proved fruitful for him on June 23rd.

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It has become commonplace to see the Spanish government lose votes or need to reach agreements with multiple political parties. But it was ten years ago that the PP and the PSOE began to face this dilemma. The elections of December 20, 2015, led to unprecedented fragmentation in the Congress of Deputies and ended the historic two-party system: the PP lost 83 seats, while Podemos and Ciudadanos—from Catalonia—entered the lower house with 69 and 40 deputies, respectively. Despite their obvious political differences, on election night both parties offered the same diagnosis: Pablo Iglesias, the leader of Podemos, proclaimed that a "new Spain" had been "born," and Albert Rivera, the most visible figure of Ciudadanos, celebrated the beginning of a "new political era of hope and optimism." Neither project has that strength today—Ciudadanos has even disappeared—but the two-party system has not been restored. Now Vox and Sumar have taken up the mantle to consolidate a system with four national parties coexisting with the string of regional parties that are also key to governance.

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It's no secret that the relationship between ERC and Junts, especially in the Congress of Deputies, is often stormy. One of the few displays of unity during this legislative term was the approval of the amnesty, which was not without its difficulties and moments of disagreement. It's also no secret that the understanding that has become evident throughout this term between Junts and the PP on economic matters has aroused suspicion among the Republicans. But to what degree do the two pro-independence parties agree on their own proposals? ARA analyzes point by point the votes on the initiatives or amendments promoted by Junts and ERC in the first two years of the Spanish legislature.

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In the last cabinet meeting of the year, the Spanish government approved the extension of a series of social and economic measures that will remain in effect through 2026. These measures will be outlined in two royal decree-laws that will now go to the Congress of Deputies for ratification. One royal decree-law covers the continuation of subsidies for public transport and the new single pass for travel throughout Spain, while the second will cover the social safety net, as well as other measures to be extended before December 31st, when they expire. These are the most noteworthy measures:

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The cases of alleged sexual harassment within the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) and the mishandling of complaints against former leader and high-ranking official at Moncloa Palace, Paco Salazar, have become the PP's (People's Party) preferred weapon against Pedro Sánchez. This Wednesday, a new scandal provided the Popular Party with even more ammunition. Hours after allegations against the president of the Lugo Provincial Council, José Tomé, were made public, this other Socialist official was forced to resign, although he proclaimed his innocence. In response, Alberto Núñez Feijóo declared the flank of the now former Attorney General to be neutralized, and the following day... the publication of the controversial conviction Following the Supreme Court's decision to indict Álvaro García Ortiz, the leader of the People's Party (PP) focused his final head-to-head debate of the year with the Spanish Prime Minister on an issue that deeply pains the Socialists: questioning his legitimacy to champion feminism. This comes on top of the damage caused by the derogatory remarks about women made by former party organization secretary José Luis Ábalos. Just this Wednesday, the Supreme Court upheld his indictment in the case investigating alleged irregularities in public contracts awarded during his tenure as Minister of Transport, and Congress suspended him as a member of parliament. "The root of the problem isn't any of your people. It's you, and now the women in your party know it," Feijóo stated, going even further and using prostitution to discredit the Socialist leader.

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Last June, theCivil Guard report that implicated Santos Cerdán in an alleged corruption scheme It shocked the PSOEFour days after the case broke, Pedro Sánchez convened the party leadership and announced a series of measures to answer: among others, their appearance in CongressThe expulsion of José Luis Ábalos from the party and the creation of a parliamentary commission to "uncover the truth" about the Koldo case. The request, registered the following day by the parliamentary group, argued that the "seriousness of the events and conduct" reflected in the UCO report "demanded" a parliamentary investigation because it was "essential" to know the facts "in depth."

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