Uproar on the right and desolation on the left of the socialists, where the noisy leaderships of four days ago are getting lost in a general blurring. With canonical cases in both Catalan and Spanish politics, albeit with different forms and styles. Two examples of how stars that seemed to break barriers are fading: Pablo Iglesias, convinced that his presence was enough, did not want to understand that politics has a part of heavy and unsightly work behind the scenes, he was lazy about organic entanglements and got stuck when it came to moving from rhetoric to action. Result: he is a little more out of play every day. In the Catalan case, Ada Colau, who entered the mayorship with momentum, gradually blurred as if she couldn't find her place in the world of institutional politics and got lost in the transition from verbal illusions to practical concreteness. The drift of Podem and Comuns and the consequent fragmentation of their space, on a direct path to insolvency, force us to question the so-called far-left. And it's not just a problem for Catalonia or Spain.

Spanish politics is the scene of a total confrontation between the government and its detractors, but history shows that promises of total rupture by the opposition often end up diluted when entering the Moncloa Palace. Alberto Núñez Feijóo's People's Party has a whole series of laws that it has promised to repeal when it governs, as Mariano Rajoy had previously done, for example. What was the result after becoming president?

Carlos Cuerpo and Arcadi España have moved up a rung in the Spanish government after the departure of María Jesús Montero. The hitherto number two in the Spanish executive, however, not only hands over the first vice-presidency and the Ministry of Finance, but also the negotiating power with the so-called Catalan file. Specifically, Arcadi España will be the one to tackle the hot potato of materializing the new financing and reopening talks with Esquerra after the transfer of the IRPF derailed. España was one of the strong men of Ximo Puig's Valencian government and those who know him define him as a convinced federalist and Valencianist, as well as being a firm defender of new regional financing. In fact, he endorses the reform that Montero agreed with ERC. And what do PSC and ERC think of the new minister? The Republicans view him favorably for giving a new "opportunity" to negotiations.In Palau they also look hopefully at the new minister, whom a voice from the Catalan socialists describes as "receptive" to the demands of Catalonia, many of them coinciding with those of the Valencian Country."Arcadi is social democracy made politician, dialogue made ruler, common sense made person," wrote former Valencian president Ximo Puig in a message on X after his appointment was made public. In statements to el ARA, he reaffirms: "He is a person with an open disposition, without closed dogmatisms, with the capacity to listen and empathy." España was Puig's chief of staff during his time in Madrid, also when he was general secretary of the PSPV and when he presided over the Generalitat Valenciana, and subsequently served as minister of Territorial Policy and also of Finance. "Federalism is part of his political culture," defends Puig, who recalls that he is one of the people who has most defended new regional financing within the PSOE. In fact, this is one of the issues that Esquerra values.

This morning something very interesting happened, a new strategic move by Pedro Sánchez in his long and well-known struggle to resist, to resist everything: his collaborators in prison, the indictment of his wife and brother, his party defeated in every election in Extremadura, Aragon, and Castile and León. This morning Sánchez went to Congress to explain the social measures to alleviate the cost of the war in Iran. And he went on the attack. Seeing that Europe is no longer leaving him alone with the "No to war" movement, he said that the 2026 war in Iran is like the 2003 Iraq War, which had disastrous consequences in Iraq, in the world, and on our streets with Islamist terrorism. That if that war was illegal, this one is too. And that the People's Party (PP) was complicit. But to say that Iran is like Iraq, to ​​once again use the trump card of the "No to war" movement of 2003, is déjà vu. And then, Sánchez personalized it with a tremendous attack against José María Aznar. He said that Aznar, in 2003, wanted to feel important, that he supported a war in exchange for ego, for the power to influence George Bush. He recalled that the Madrid bombings were the fault of that war. And he recalled that Aznar shows no remorse. He even went so far as to question his morality.

The week begins in a very dangerous way. As you know, Trump has announced attacks on Iranian power plants if Iran does not unblock the Strait of Hormuz Iran has warned that its response will be to attack the desalination plants of the Persian Gulf countries. You attack my electricity, and I'll attack your water.

At the beginning of the year, the PSOE and Podemos parties agreed on a mass regularization of migrants to grant legal status to half a million people already living in Spain. They did so by drafting immigration regulations to avoid having to go through Congress, where they would have struggled to secure a majority to pass them. However, the PP has found a loophole to try to influence the Senate through the law on repeat offenses, promoted by Junts and approved last week in the upper house. The PP pushed for an amendment to toughen the conditions for the regularization of migrants, and, as ARA has learned, Junts will vote in favor this Thursday in the final vote in Congress. The regularization will still go ahead, but controls for obtaining a residence permit will be increased.

The abilities that Pedro Sánchez's government has to take economic and political measures without the Parliament's consent in emergency cases have now been added, out of necessity, the ability to save in extremis, with similar agility, episodes of internal dissent. The last Council of Ministers has been one of the most memorable of this legislature, due to the curious situation caused by the prior negotiation between the socialist majority of the executive and the minority of Sumar. The formation of Vice-President Yolanda Díaz needed to include its own proposals in the package of aid measures for the sectors most affected by the consequences of the war in Iran. From an ideological perspective, it is logical that Sumar insisted on leaving its mark on the drafting of decisions of this type. But it makes little sense to turn the prologue of a Council of Ministers into an episode that the President of the Spanish Government, Pedro Sánchez, described as "salseig" (gossip), whether as a dance or as a spicy substance in certain dishes. The Solomon-like solution found —approving two decrees instead of one— served to unblock a situation that was more showy than serious.

The ministers from the Sumar coalition refused to begin the meeting until their demands were met: essentially, the inclusion of rental contract extensions in the measures to address the war in Iran. Their two-hour walkout before Friday's cabinet meeting was resolved with the enactment of two decrees, not just one as the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party) had intended, to include tax cuts for the most affected sectors. Sumar touted this resolution on Saturday, taking a swipe at their socialist partners. "Without Sumar, there is no government," the movement's coordinator, Lara Hernández, reiterated in a statement without taking questions. A threat to the socialists? The party, still led by Yolanda Díaz, has no intention of leaving the government or jeopardizing the coalition in the face of a potential PP (People's Party)-Vox majority. In fact, Hernández herself emphasized that it is precisely the influence Sumar can wield that makes "being in government worthwhile."

Politics shouldn't be all about pronouncements and grand gestures. Pragmatism is also essential. In short, it's about being practical so that citizens, those governed, feel they aren't being abandoned when times get tough. And this seems to be the path the Spanish government has taken with the package of measures designed to mitigate the effects of the war in the Middle East. The conflict, whose end appears far off, has driven up gas and oil prices and, consequently, the prices of everything related to them, such as fuel and electricity. That's why the measures announced by Pedro Sánchez will amount to around 5 billion euros, far less than the more than 20 billion mobilized in 2022 following the invasion of Ukraine—but we are still in the early stages and don't know how long the war might last. The first decree focuses on reducing energy taxes, one of the services most affected by the impact of the Middle East crisis, and one that could have ripple effects throughout the economy. In addition to lowering the VAT on electricity and gas from the current 21% to 10%, as well as on biomass raw materials such as pellets and firewood, the energy production tax, currently at 7%, is temporarily eliminated and reduced from 5.5% to a special rate of 0.5%. Maximum retail prices for butane and propane are also frozen. The VAT on gasoline and diesel is also reduced, which, according to the Prime Minister's office, will result in a savings of approximately 30 cents per liter when filling up. Consumer organizations estimate that the reduction will be around 17 cents for diesel, which has seen the largest price increase. A key point, also included in the decree, is granting the National Commission for Markets and Competition (CNMC) new supervisory and sanctioning powers to prevent operators from exploiting the tax cut to increase their profit margins and enrich themselves. This is essential to prevent the tax reduction from benefiting certain companies more than citizens and, therefore, taxpayers.

This morning, around eight o'clock, the Catalan Government and Esquerra Republicana staged the pact they reached last night, which we discussed yesterday in our analysis and which we anticipated this morning in the print edition of ARA:

Teachers are continuing their week-long strikes today, and this morning they received the support of farmers in the Terres de l'Ebre region. There are so many sectoral grievances (teachers, peasants, Renfe users(public healthcare users, those aspiring to rent an apartment…) that the unease is widespread. And if you look up at the world, this unease transforms into anguish, not only because of the price of oil or making ends meet—which is a real struggle—but also because of the survival of democracy and, at times, of humanity itself. This is the socio-emotional portrait of society right now. We all operate within this ecosystem of general malaise.

That the survey places PSOE in first position in the elections in Castilla y León is a more common scenario than in Extremadura or Aragon. While in the two communities where this electoral cycle began, the Socialists have governed for more years than the Popular Party, the territory that takes over from them is a historic fiefdom of the PP. The conservatives have governed there uninterruptedly since 1987, when José María Aznar ousted the PSOE and inaugurated four decades of right-wing hegemony. In the largest autonomous community in Spain, the Socialists have only won there on two occasions, in 1983 and 2019 – coinciding with Pedro Sánchez's first victory in the State –, although seven years ago it did not allow them to reach the regional executive. In this Sunday's election, with Sánchez at his most complicated moment, everything points to the PP being the leading force, but it will once again depend on Vox.

Trump's word is worthlessBut it does come at a price, the price we all must pay for his decisions. Aware that The war with Iran has driven up oil prices and lowered stock markets.That is, that his voters have to pay more for gasoline and that his friends are losing billions in the stock market, Trump took the floor last night to say that The war is "virtually over" And that they are far ahead of the agenda they had set, that Iran "has already fired all it was supposed to fire." And Trump's words had the desired effect: the stock markets rose this morning and the price of oil fell. If this is a fluke that won't make a summer, Trump doesn't care. Yesterday he went for the coup, but he knows there are two things ordinary Americans hate: paying higher gas prices and having inflation erode their purchasing power, all because of a war that lacks the support of the vast majority. Consider that these days oil has reached its highest price in the last three and a half years, specifically in the summer of 2022, months after the war in Ukraine began, and that the cost of living is shaping up to be the major issue in the November elections. And we all know that when oil goes up, everything goes up.

The initial plan was to approve the official secrets act before the end of 2025, but not only has the objective not been met, but the law remains stalled in Congress. A week after the Spanish government declassified the 23-F documents, it has not been able to unblock the norm that will legally cover the lifting of secrecy of classified matters. Moncloa sent the bill to Congress last July, but sources from the socialist group admit to ARA that for now there is no "news" about this reform and that their bill "does not have the necessary support" to move forward.

Third regional election in less than three months. Castilla y León takes over from Extremadura, and for the next two weeks, Aragón becomes the battlefield for the main parties in the State. Pedro Sánchez, Alberto Núñez Feijóo and Santiago Abascal will be tested again on March 15 in elections that once again have a marked state-level significance. The recent decision by the PP's leadership to get directly involved in the negotiations with Vox to secure the investiture of candidates – María Guardiola and Jorge Azcón – in the two communities that have preceded it, certifies that the state leaders are risking much more than a territorial government in the race towards the general elections scheduled for 2027. For now, polls broadly depict a scenario very similar to Extremadura and Aragón.

Yesterday I asked a negotiator from the PSC-ERC table how the Illa-Junqueras duel will end and he told me: "we are talking..., but it is difficult to reach an agreement."

The president of the Generalitat, Salvador Illa, He made a gesture to ERC to try to pave the way for the budget. And, in fact, everything was on track for the Republicans to sit down and negotiate the budget in the coming days. However, Oriol Junqueras's party believes that Isla's commitment is insufficient and that the "necessary conditions" for the Spanish government to transfer the revenue from personal income tax (IRPF) are not met. sine qua non that the party had set as a condition for negotiating the budget.

ERC was demanding a gesture from the Socialist Party (PSOE) to unblock budget negotiations, specifically a commitment to Catalonia's handling of personal income tax (IRPF) revenue. This gesture, for now, will not come from the PSOE, as the Republicans initially hoped. However, this morning, the President of the Generalitat, Salvador Illa, explicitly stated his "total" commitment to ensuring Catalonia assumes responsibility for IRPF collection. "My commitment to advancing the management of IRPF and the Catalan Treasury is total," Illa affirmed. What will this translate to? In a brief address, delivered without taking questions during the meeting of the Generalitat's Technical Council, the head of the Catalan government offered no details, but did state that he would "promote agreements and parliamentary initiatives to make it possible." This Saturday, Esquerra will hold an extraordinary meeting of its executive committee early in the morning (8:30 a.m.), where they will have to decide whether the president's gesture is sufficient to begin budget negotiations. Then the leadership convenes its national council, where it must present the scenario agreed upon by the executive committee.

The first opinion piece of Teresa Garcia-Milà's term as head of the Círculo de Economía (Circle of Economy) focuses on immigration, a phenomenon that all political parties, regardless of their political leanings, use more as an electoral tool and a means of conflict than as a means of finding solutions. A calm and in-depth debate is necessary to address this issue, as it is a structural one. In recent years, both Catalonia and Spain have experienced a surge in newcomers, which, while not the sole factor, has contributed to rising housing prices, as supply has failed to meet the accelerated demand, also putting pressure on public services. In a short time, compared to other countries, our numbers have grown significantly. Therefore, this prestigious forum, whose members represent a broad range of ideologies, has chosen to dedicate its opinion piece—the document through which it establishes its position on major issues—to a subject that is often treated demagogically by politicians. There are no magic formulas or easy solutions to a complex issue with many facets, from economic and labor issues to social ones, which has fallen too heavily into the hands of populist rhetoric.

Yesterday's interview with Salvador Illa on TV3 was disappointing due to its lack of relevance. The President of the Generalitat said what I predicted he would say yesterday: that he will continue doing what he has been doing, that solutions are not quick, and that it is essential that his investiture partners, Esquerra and Comuns, not create insurmountable obstacles to passing the budget. He also stated that there will be neither changes in the government nor a vote of confidence. He raised his voice slightly to say that "enough with the anti-Catalan sentiment," and added that he, personally, didn't like the burka. And with that, the interview ended, and good night.