The answers to this question can be diverse, and yet I venture one: without budgets, one can administer, but not govern. The distinction between these two concepts is not insignificant. Administering would be equivalent to guaranteeing the ordinary functioning of public services and the continuity of public policies already initiated. In contrast, governing involves setting priorities, transforming the present, and preparing for the future. To administer, a government is not necessary; public employees are sufficient. To govern in the sense I have mentioned, a government is indeed necessary.

We were right at the entrance of the Victoria Theatre in Barcelona to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the program PolandWhen someone told me something like this: "With the exception of the United Kingdom, in all the rest of Europe there is no political satire program that has lasted as long as the PolandThe phrase struck me, not because of the undeniable merits of those who have been producing the program for two decades, but because it described the unique character of a Catalan temperament that is capable of laughing at itself, an unmistakable sign of democratic health. It echoed those other words of the master Pau Casals, when in his distant speech at the United Nations he spoke emotionally about Catalonia, and among other things explained that our country had the first Parliament in the world, "even before England's." We were certainly at a celebration, but look at that, that impromptu statement at the beginning of the reflection I want to share through this article.

We recently learned of the agreement reached between ERC and the Spanish government on the ever-controversial issue of financing. It is crucial to note from the outset that this is a pact between a single party and Pedro Sánchez's government. Given that this party, ERC, only holds seven seats in Madrid, the first conclusion seems quite obvious: if other parties do not join, the agreement will be worthless. Assuming that neither the PP nor Vox will participate, the door is open to other political formations, primarily those that made President Sánchez's government possible.

One year ends and another begins. These are times, both personally and collectively, to take stock and formulate new goals. For our country, Catalonia, 2025 presents a mixed picture. Some aspects are clearly positive, others less so, and some are frankly adverse.

This week, the trial of President Pujol, his children, and several others involved in the case finally began. Three questions immediately come to mind, and I'll offer some initial answers.

The strong migratory flows experienced by most developed Western countries are directly impacting their societies. This impact is not low-intensity; on the contrary, it is provoking profound social movements that are resulting in significant changes to their political landscapes. The electoral growth of radical right-wing parties, which is spreading across many European countries, is the most evident, and at the same time, most heartbreaking, evidence of this.

On September 30, 2005, a major national pact was sealed, making the new Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia possible. The context at that time could be summarized as follows: there was economic prosperity, the first tripartite coalition governed in Catalonia with Pasqual Maragall as president, CiU was the leading force in Parliament with 46 deputies after winning the elections against all odds, and in Spain, Rodríguez Zapatero's PSOE governed after the war in Iraq and the Iraq wars. And an additional, no less important fact: Zapatero had solemnly promised that he would endorse the Statute of Autonomy that emerged from the Catalan Parliament.

Cristóbal Montoro has been a powerful man within the Spanish state. He served twice as Minister of Finance, in the governments of Aznar and Rajoy, at times accumulating more important functions, such as the Civil Service and the Relations with Territorial Administrations, that is, everything related to public employees, autonomous regions, and local authorities. Now we discover, or rather confirm, that in addition to being a powerful man, he has also been a shadowy figure.

Before arguing the title of this article, which aims to explain why BBVA should abandon its takeover bid for Banco Sabadell, I want to emphasize two premises that are by no means minor: the first is that the Basque-based bank has every right to try to buy another bank, but it can only overthrow the legitimate market—a competitor—if the latter agrees to be bought. The second premise is that it is the owners of Banco Sabadell, and only they, who have the power to sell or reject the operation, in order to achieve their objective. These conditions These are added to those approved by the Spanish competition authority just a few weeks ago.

These past few days, we've witnessed one of those episodes that make politics miserable, instead of useful and virtuous, which is what it should be. I'm referring to the shameless and shameful campaign by the PP and typically reactionary sectors of Spain to undermine Catalan's rightful status as an official language of the European Union. When the PP smells blood on the body of its adversary, it pounces like a shark to dismember and destroy it. Unfortunately, this is not a new attitude. It recalls, point by point, its attack on the Statute of Catalonia twenty years ago, collecting signatures across Spain to dismantle a political initiative that had a majority in the Catalan Parliament and would later be approved by the Catalan people via referendum. Then, it was about ousting Rodríguez Zapatero from the Moncloa Palace; today, it's about doing the same to Pedro Sánchez.

As I write these lines, the cause of Monday's massive blackout and the paralysis of the entire Iberian Peninsula is still unknown. Whatever this cause, or causes, the consequences are extremely serious, and the perception of vulnerability is enormous. A feeling that, looking back, however, is not so new. In the last fifteen years alone, we have experienced situations of various kinds that have demonstrated how vulnerable we are, despite belonging to the most developed world.

This week's Monday started with the broadcast on the program The world on RAC1 New audio recordings about the so-called Operation Catalonia. Aside from the ineffable Commissioner Villarejo, this time the protagonists were María Dolores de Cospedal and Alícia Sánchez-Camacho. The recording dates back to 2014, at the height of the Catalan self-determination movement. At that time, Villarejo was an active National Police Commissioner, and the two female political leaders wielded considerable power: Cospedal was the general secretary of the PP at the Spanish level, and Sánchez-Camacho presided over the Catalan PP. The former made and unmade Spain, the latter in Catalonia. It's worth remembering, as a very relevant fact, that these were the years when the PP governed Spain with an absolute majority, with Rajoy as president.

In January of this year, Banco de Sabadell decided to return its headquarters to its hometown, from which it has always carried its name. A few weeks later, the La Caixa Foundation and its asset arm, Criteria, followed in the footsteps of the financial institution from Vallecas. The first assessment that must be made is obvious: this is good news, a positive step. There will always be opposing voices, but the majority of the population applauds this type of decision. And they wish there were more, in the same direction.