Beyond the PSOE and the PSC, the left-wing parties paint a plural mosaic in the Spanish state. This complex configuration expresses two facts. The plurinational character of the State, with differentiated societies that generate their own party systems, and the tendency towards ideologically delimited spaces: a culture of political affiliation that makes it difficult to articulate broad fronts. Broadly speaking, in ten of the seventeen autonomous communities, proximity left-wing parties operate with an institutional presence. In all cases, it is a single entity that brings together progressive sovereigntism: Endavant Andalusia, the BNG, the CHA, Compromís, Bildu, Més Madrid, Més and Nova Canàries. Catalonia is the exception: here ERC, Comuns and CUP inhabit (and dispute) the space. On the other hand, there are three forces with the will to operate throughout the State: IU, Podem and Moviment Sumar.Throughout the years 2023 to 2026, the sovereignist lefts complete a cycle with relevant results: above 30% in Euskadi and Galicia; between 15% and 25% in Catalonia, Madrid, Navarra, and the Valencian Country; around 10% in Andalusia, Aragon, the Canary Islands, and the Balearic Islands. The federal lefts, in the same cycle, are situated at modest levels: between 2% and 5%. In three communities, however, these forces articulate candidacies based on trajectories that go beyond a specific coalition: Per Andalusia, Unides per Extremadura, and Contigo-Zurekin (Navarra); in all cases, the results improve and are situated between 6% and 10%. The set of these dynamics offers some keys for navigating paths of strengthening. It is also about factors connected to underlying trends.Territorial rootedness. In a global context of uncertainties, individualization, and acceleration of rhythms, community anchorages are absolutely necessary. But they must be rebuilt on new foundations. The explosion of diversity requires daily environments where bonds are possible. It is about equipping life paths with elements of relational security: frameworks where support and collective action capacities are articulated. In political terms, these solidarity grammars translate into actors oriented towards working with logics of territorial rootedness and municipalist projects. Political forces similar to the people, where belonging is built in terms of practices and values, rather than ideological narratives; where identity is oriented towards forging popular power and local sovereignties, rather than national abstractions.The will to articulate majorities. Throughout the last century, the political expression of social conflict consolidated the classic left/right axis. In that context, social democracy managed to gain centrality in the progressive sphere. And even more relevant: it built a framework of reference, which placed the rest of the actors, for example, to the left of the socialists. This framework still underpins – often inertially – many perceptions. But it has begun to overflow. Spaces of the left are now being articulated that move from the corner of the board towards broader proposals. Political forces that connect with new common senses, more transformative and more transversal at the same time.The activation of hope and joy. “To be radical is to make hope possible, not to convince despair”. With these words, the Welsh sociologist Raymond Williams wanted to establish a clear counterpoint to an emotional state deeply embedded in the left. What Deleuze called the sad passions: a political logic given to discouragement, or, in the best of cases, to digging trenches of resistance. But here too things have begun to change: the left of hope is emerging. Actors who link transformative ambition to joyful passions. Political spaces that are working on a new emotional framework that generates horizons of meaning, and also fraternal paths to move forward. A rebellious grammar – without resentment or nostalgia – woven by trust and empathy.The good recent results of the sovereignist left, and also of the federal ones when they work from proximity, offer solid foundations. The challenge now is to translate this baggage into formulas for cooperation with tactical intelligence (given an electoral system in which proportionality largely disappears in much of the territory). A good result for the left in the general elections will be key to defeating PP and Vox. Two open proposals for confluence have been put forward: the call by Gabriel Rufián and that of the Sumar parties in government. They should be worked on, cross-recognitions built, and progress made towards inclusive fronts: pivoting on plurinationality, with the capacity to articulate majorities and broaden hope. Perhaps it is not easy, but it would be difficult to explain not trying.