Beyond the drug trafficking charges against Maduro, Trump, who has the advantage of clarity, has said he seeks to "take back our oil." For Stephen Miller, White House Deputy Chief of Staff, the 1976 Venezuelan nationalization of the oil industry represented "the largest recorded theft of American wealth and property." After that first nationalization, foreign companies continued operating in Venezuela until 2007, when Chávez carried out a second recovery that reinforced majority state control of the oil industry. With the profits obtained, Chávez was able to sustain the Bolivarian Revolution: a massive redistribution project that drastically reduced poverty. The revolution enjoyed broad popular support for years, which allowed it to thwart the 2002 coup attempt, driven by an essentially anti-democratic opposition. To illustrate, the newly minted Nobel laureate María Corina Machado denounced each new election as fraudulent, regardless of Chavismo's repeated victories, even in the most recent election in 2024, since Maduro has failed to prove his triumph. The Venezuelan process was the first of the progressive Latin American governments that emerged in response to devastating neoliberal policies. In Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, and Ecuador, among others, the left was made possible by extractivism. Commodity prices allowed for redistribution, but also fueled its decline with the subsequent price collapse beginning in 2014. In Venezuela, Chavismo failed to utilize these resources to diversify the productive system, thus cementing its structural fragility. This was compounded by inefficiency, corruption, and military control of a significant portion of the economy. But also the unilateral US sanctions, which crippled the entire national economy, especially the oil industry, which barely affected the ruling elite and caused immense social suffering. The current crisis is interwoven with these factors and with the country's dependence on China, which explains the US coup: a fierce geopolitical competition on a chessboard where the US is revolting against its loss of global hegemony.

"In an Islamic Catalonia there would be gang rapes, genital mutilation, forced marriages." The phrase is from Sílvia Orriols, but it could be from any other leader of the European radical right. Portraying Islam as fundamentalist and retrograde—as the great "other" of European identity—is one of the main lines of discourse shared by these groups. To construct this image, they instrumentalize women's rights and feminist concerns, a strategy that Sara Farris calls "feminationalism.". Marine Le Pen in France, Alice Weidel in Germany, and Giorgia Meloni in Italy have perfected this technique in their quest for more female voters and to align their racism with egalitarian social consensus—a vague defense of women or LGBTQ+ people that is not reflected in other parliamentary votes.

This has been a heated summer with multiple racist arsons. Protests and even attacks against centers for minors and migrants have multiplied throughout Spain. The most notable was the incident in Torre Pacheco, but there have also been attacks against centers for minors in Vallirana (with Molotov cocktails), in Marcilla (Navarra), riots in Piera (where incendiary devices were also thrown in May), in Alcalá de Henares (Madrid), and in Sabadell, and persecutions in Hernani (Guipúzcoa). In San Sebastián, "hunts" for North African and African people have been organized through a Telegram group. These are just a few of the cases. We thus find ourselves following in the wake of Europe, which has been mired for some time in a crisis of vigilantism where the rise in violence against migrants, and especially North African minors, seems unstoppable.

Recently, the Catalan Alliance's motion, presented with the support of Vox, seeking to ban various forms of the Islamic veil in public spaces or institutions such as schools and institutes, was rejected. This sought to revive an old debate that began in Catalonia in 2010. Today, around twenty Catalan municipalities still have ordinances with some form of prohibition.

Does the patriarchal context nullify or condition women's decision-making capacity? If so, how and why? Is this incapacity – if we accept it – inherent in all women, or are there differences? Where can we begin to set limits? How has fiction contributed to distorting the idea of consent? In this choral piece, six commentators explore the (im)possibility or difficulty of women saying no and the open cracks through which we can operate to reverse this inequality.

Last week the repatriation of unaccompanied migrant children to Morocco, who had been in Ceuta for almost three months, began. The Minister of Home Affairs, Grande-Marlaska, says that they are minors who want to return to their country and that they are not expulsions but "assisted returns". The minister can use all the euphemisms he wants but he is finding it hard to pass off his actions as legal - or even fair.

42% of Spaniards have trouble sleeping and half of the population says they feel tired. Many have been afraid of dying during the last year, according to the latest CIS barometer, and suicide attempts are on the rise. But there is no need for surveys, looking around us is enough: many people close to us feel bad, depressed or anxious about the future, afraid of losing their job, or their house. They say that the next wave will be that of mental health and according to the WHO, this will be the leading cause of disability in the world in 2030.