Much has been said these days about the spectacular robbery at the Louvre, the most emblematic museum in Paris and one of the most visited in Europe and the world. French politicians themselves have said that this incident has made the country look ridiculous because it shows a lack of foresight and security on the part of the authorities, not only at the museum, but beyond, as it is a public institution. In fact, one of the hypotheses regarding the motive for the robbery—apart from the most obvious, profit—is that it was a response to "foreign interference" to destabilize France and, in turn, Europe. We know that Russia is pursuing an aggressive policy in this regard, but so far it has been limited to cyberattacks, and this theory seems somewhat conspiratorial.

Last Wednesday, September 10th, all eyes in Europe were on France. After the excitement generated by the announcement of mobilizations under the slogan "Let's Block Everything," what is the assessment? In short, we could say that the movement was not as successful as those who called for it had hoped, as it failed to bring the country to a standstill: there were delays in public transportation, but the massive and forceful police intervention prevented major thoroughfares from being blocked, as the protesters had intended.

In the wake of Donald Trump's victory and the rise of the far right across Europe, the view has spread that left-wing political movements, or at least some of them, have unwittingly contributed to this trend. From within the left itself, and not coincidentally, this responsibility is often attributed to feminism or, more generally, to wokism, a derisive term that also encompasses critical race theories and decolonialism. The idea is that the demands of these movements—which are or should be essential to left-wing progressivism—go too far and have therefore provoked a perverse effect or one backlash, another term imported from the English-speaking world. Using a different term, we would talk about the boomerang effect, a device that can hit the person who threw it hard. Another argument is that certain claims, which are considered exaggerated (such as all those related to gender fluidity and the trans issue), endanger the rights acquired through workers' struggle or by left-wing governments.

One of the most important demands of feminism in the 1970s was that of a "sexual revolution". Fifty years later, can we say that this revolution has taken place? As the #MeToo movement and the more recent #MeTooInceste movement in France have shown, sexual harassment and abuse, especially of women and minors, is still very much alive fifty years after feminism began to denounce it. This sexual violence is transversal and affects institutions that should have the highest ethical standards, such as religious or educational institutions (ARA's report last Sunday about abuses by certain teachers at the Institut del Teatre is an example). In addition to the violence that the people who have been subjected to them have had to endure, the collective tolerance towards these behaviours shows the extent to which they were normalised and perhaps still, to a large extent, continue to be, at least until these collective actions began.

The appearance of La familia grande by Camille Kouchner, who accuses her stepfather of repeatedly raping her twin brother when he was a teenager, has fallen like a bomb in France. This is not the first published testimony on child sexual abuse that can be described as incest, but it has now had an unprecedented impact - prompting even the French Senate to return to deliberations on further legal measures to protect children - not by chance but for various reasons